While Kifaya celebrated its second anniversary recently, internal splits could spell the beginning of its demise, writes Mohamed El-Sayed It was two years ago when the members of the Egyptian Movement for Change (Kifaya) stood united in front of the Cairo Supreme Court, downtown, in the small hours of the morning, launching the first ever anti-Mubarak demonstration. Before that date, public opposition to President Hosni Mubarak and the regime was unheard of. Since, the movement has helped the formation of other opposition movements under its umbrella, such as Professors for Change, Youth for Change, Artists for Change, etc. By taking to the streets more often than not, the movement has evolved into a household name for street activism, inspiring people from all walks of life to publicly express their objection to government policies. Last week, however, while Kifaya was marking its second anniversary at the same place it was born -- by organising a demonstration in front of the Cairo Supreme Court -- its members stood divided. An identity crisis appears to have afflicted the movement which had always boasted members from all political and religious affiliations. Seven of its key members announced their withdrawal from Kifaya, arguing that "the movement has vanished from the political scene and no longer exists on the street." The statement issued by the seven dissenters added that over the past months the movement has suffered "mal-practice" at the hands of some of its leaders. The fracture occurred after an unsigned article was posted on Kifaya's website supporting what was perceived as Minister of Culture Farouk Hosni's anti-veil position. Although the article was removed from the website five days later, the Islamic-leaning members of Kifaya refused to reconcile with the movement. Magdi Ahmed Hussein, one of the dissenters who is secretary-general of the suspended Islamic-oriented Labour Party, argued that the article was "the straw that broke the camel's back, causing hidden disputes to surface". Hussein believes that Kifaya has "failed to find a middle ground between the Islamists and liberals; it lacks a democratic mechanism through which each political trend within the movement can express itself, since all forces within the movement are equal." Other dissenters, like Yehia El-Qazzaz, objected to the way the movement was being run. El-Qazzaz argued that he splintered from the movement due to disagreement with some "controlling" members, not because he disavowed its basic principles. "The movement is more likely to survive than dissolve after seven members leave," he told Al-Ahram Weekly. "But what really harms it is the fact that some of its members are not committed to its constitutional principles. There are three people who run the movement like dictators," he added. On the other hand, renowned intellectual and prominent Kifaya member Abdel-Wahab Elmessiri told the Weekly that desperate attempts are being made to convince the dissidents to rejoin the movement. "We are trying to hold a meeting to solve this problem," Elmessiri explained, adding that Kifaya decisions are taken democratically through votes which means "claims otherwise are unfounded". Elmessiri, who considers himself one of the Islamic-leaning members of Kifaya, views it as an "umbrella bringing all political trends under one banner". But detractors of the movement argue that by embroiling itself with issues other than opposing the inheritance of the presidency and putting an end to the rule of the current regime, Kifaya has started to lose its way and thus its raison d'être. Unlike the first year which was marked by vibrant street activism, the movement ceased to organise frequent demonstrations during the second year. "Kifaya's activities have disappeared from the street and moved to closed rooms and satellite channels," El-Qazzaz said. "Yes, the movement includes many honest patriotic figures, but some of its members use it to blow their own horn." El-Qazzaz noted that the article supporting Hosni's controversial stand on the veil was shocking to all the Islamist- leaning Kifaya members. "Statements published without consulting the coordinating committee reveal that the movement is run in a random manner, and there are some in control who want to take the lead, especially on satellite channels," he added. Hussein concurred, saying that the article on the web "could be issued by a leftist party for example, but not by a movement that is comprised of different political trends." The statement issued by the dissenters also criticised Kifaya's stance on the Israeli aggression against Lebanon, which was seen as a departure from the constitutional principles of the movement. This position left "a negative impression with the people who closely follow the movement's outlook." Hussein asserted that no opposition movement would succeed "unless it adopts a formula that brings all political and ideological trends to one focal point. Otherwise, it will never bear fruit or gain public support." How current fractures within Kifaya will affect its survival are yet unclear, but many supporters as well as detractors agree that the movement will go down in Egyptian political history as the first opposition force to have clenched two achievements. First, imposing the right of holding anti-regime demonstrations without security permission; second, thus raising the ceiling of freedom of expression in the country to unprecedented heights.
