Many issues that have blocked a Fatah-Hamas rapprochement appear resolved, but the key issue of Hamas's security forces remains contentious, writes Khaled Amayreh in the West Bank Despite the inconclusive outcome of the Abbas-Meshal meeting in Damascus earlier this week, Hamas and Fatah have been able to achieve significant progress towards the formation of a national unity government that would replace the present beleaguered Hamas-led government. Reliable sources close to Hamas in Gaza told Al-Ahram Weekly that both groups already reached agreement in principle on the identity of potential ministers who would be at the helm of the most important portfolios. According to these sources, Ismail Haniyeh will remain prime minister, Ziad Abu Amr will be foreign minister, and Salam Fayyadh will return to his previous post as finance minister. Both Amr and Fayyadh are independents; the former considered close to Fatah while the latter is largely viewed as allied with Fatah. More to the point, the two sides have also agreed that Khadr Abbas, a psychologist with a doctorate from Ein- Shams University, will be the next minister of interior. Khadr Abbas, who is in his mid-50s, was arrested several times by Israeli occupation authorities for his alleged affiliation with the Islamic Jihad organisation. Moreover, Abbas is expected to succeed in re-establishing the rule of law, especially in the Gaza Strip, given his non-affiliation with either Hamas or Fatah. It is widely believed that Hamas's consent to giving up control of the Interior Ministry has removed a major obstacle that impeded progress towards a government of national unity. Hamas is expected to retain other ministries such as education, wakf (heritage) and Islamic affairs, and local governance. Ahmed Yousef, political advisor to Prime Minister Haniyeh, said he expected resolution in the ongoing talks between the two sides in one to two weeks. "I think we have overcome most of the contentious issues and I believe that we will reach a breakthrough fairly soon," he said. Yousef said both the government and the Palestinian Authority (PA) leadership were in full agreement over the unacceptability of a Palestinian state with temporary borders. "Both the government and the PA leadership believe we should demand that the international community go for the endgame now. We will no longer accept American-Israeli manoeuvres to dilute the Palestinian issue through disingenuous initiatives such as the roadmap." However, despite the significant progress, there are still deep differences that need to be overcome before a final breakthrough can be reached. Hamas continues to insist that the so-called National Accord Document (NAD), which is based on the reputed Prisoners' Document, be adopted as the only basis for the national unity government, whereas Fatah demands that the government accept all "previous commitments and agreements" between the PA and Israel, presumably including the Oslo Accords. Hamas adamantly refuses to accept these agreements on the grounds that they are vague and don't stipulate in clear terms Israeli withdrawal from all the territories occupied in 1967. The NAD doesn't explicitly call for recognition of Israel and makes any such recognition conditional on a reciprocal Israeli recognition of a Palestinian state on 100 per cent of the occupied territories, including East Jerusalem. It is likely, however, that the two sides will be able to circumvent this obstacle by committing themselves to the so- called "Palestinian constants" that stipulate "total Israeli withdrawal to 4 June 1967 borders." A stickier issue is the controversial 6000-strong "Executive Force", the security arm of the government. Fatah has been incessantly demanding that the Hamas-dominated force be dissolved or incorporated into the Palestinian security apparatus, which is dominated by Fatah. Hamas, while accepting the principle that the Executive Force should eventually be incorporated into Palestinian national security forces, demands the reconstruction and reform of the entire apparatus of PA security forces in order to eliminate factionalism and reduce Fatah's hegemony over these forces. Moreover, nearly all other Palestinian factions, including Islamic Jihad and the Popular and Democratic Fronts for the Liberation of Palestine, back Hamas's demands in this regard. Given the recent showdown between Hamas and Fatah in Gaza, and in light of the fact that Palestinian security agencies are effectively Fatah militias, Hamas is unlikely to agree to dissolve the Executive Force. One Hamas official in Gaza said Hamas would not even discuss the idea, saying: "Dissolving the Executive Force would be an act of security suicide" for Hamas. "Who will protect Hamas from attacks by Israel and its agents in Gaza ... and they are many," asked the official. One possibility might take the form of a merging of half of the force within existing security agencies while treating the rest as resistance fighters. Hamas and Fatah began an intensive round of talks Tuesday night, 23 January, during which the two sides discussed the adoption of confidence-building measures. The standoff over the fate of the Executive Force is primarily a reflection of persistent mistrust between the two groups. This mistrust continues to manifest itself in remarks and interviews with the media by leaders and spokespersons from both sides, especially Fatah. For example, Fatah strongman Mohammed Dahlan -- whom Hamas considers an American-Israeli agent -- said in a press interview with a Western news agency last Friday, that he would take on Hamas, but stopped short of saying how far he was willing to go. Dahlan is believed to be playing a key role in revamping security forces loyal to PA President Mahmoud Abbas, including the American- financed and equipped Presidential Guard. This force, the Americans calculate, would be the bulwark against Hamas, should a full-fledged civil war between the two sides erupt. This is undoubtedly an additional reason prompting Hamas to refuse to dissolve the Executive Force, lest its leaders and institutions become exposed. On Tuesday, 23 January, masked gunmen blew up a vacant resort in the Gaza Strip reportedly belonging to Dahlan. Witnesses said scores of heavily armed gunmen took part in the attack and abducted but later freed three guards. The gunmen reportedly claimed they were members of Al-Qaeda. Palestinian officials from both Hamas and Fatah have vehemently denied the existence of Al-Qaeda on Palestinian soil.
