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Cairo's Russian romance
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 20 - 11 - 2013

Egyptian-Russian relations received an extraordinary boost a few days ago with a rare visit to Cairo by both the Russian foreign and defence ministers. Their interest in Egypt, and the wide range of implications and interpretations it generated, rippled waves across the region and beyond.
This could be the beginning of a trend that, if it doesn't peter out over the next few months, may reshape bilateral relations for years to come, with definite repercussions for the Washington-Moscow global rivalry.
Egypt is no stranger to the superpower game. During Gamal Abdel-Nasser's time, it forged close ties with the Soviet Union that lasted for almost two decades, until reversed by Anwar Al-Sadat in the early 1970s.
Now communism is gone, but a bit of the old rivalry is creeping back into international politics, with Moscow working double time to join the ranks of world leaders, banking on its strategic friendships, past liaisons and one of the most sophisticated weapon industries around.
Cairo, perhaps hankering for the glory of the Nasser years, seems drawn towards Moscow. The United States is currently the world's uncontested superpower. But China is breathing down its neck, and Russia is yearningly watching the race from an uncomfortable distance.
Egypt, shaken and stirred by the brief rule of the Muslim Brotherhood, is trying to find its bearings once again, and the comfortable shoulder of Moscow is a tempting prospect.
The whole Muslim Brotherhood affair left Washington wrong-footed, sometimes acting as if it wants to make amends to a country that will always be a regional leader, and sometimes acting as if it has been and will always be on the Muslim Brotherhood's side. It is this confusion on Washington's part that is allowing Moscow a fresh start in the region.
Aside from strategic considerations, what America and Russia have in common is a weapons industry that is forever looking for a market. Egypt had once developed an appetite for Russian weapons. And there was something even more alluring in being close to Moscow: for a change, the provider of weapons isn't Israel's best friend.
Fortunately for Russia, when Sadat sent Soviet advisers packing in the 1970s, Moscow didn't throw a tantrum, but gave the Egyptians the space they asked for. This is what makes it easier for Cairo to relate to the Russians today.
In the US press, Cairo's new conduct has been described as an attempt to “break free” from the confines of the alliance with Washington. It is too early to tell, as a habit of depending on one source of weaponry is hard to kick.
In Washington, politicians and commentators are divided on what to do with Egypt. Congressmen who keep arriving in Cairo to assess the situation don't always go back home with definite ideas, aside from a lingering suspicion that Egypt is slipping away. Pentagon officials, interestingly enough, don't seem worried — perhaps because they are confident that Saudi Arabia and the UAE will do their best to smooth things out between Egypt and America.
Israel doesn't seem too worried for now. Having a strong hand at the helm in Egypt, in the sense of a government that can keep law and order, is all that seems to matter now.
The Egyptian army commanders don't seem opposed to the idea of getting Moscow onboard as far as military matters are concerned. But the question of arms supplies is not the only one looming over bilateral relations. Politics seems to feature highly in the strategic tug-of-war. The more the Americans wax lyrical about the Muslim Brotherhood, the more often red carpets will be rolled out in Cairo for Russian dignitaries.
In visits to Moscow, Egyptian officials are continually reassured that Moscow is on their side, wishing to help in any way it can. This kind of talk, coming at a time when Egypt is smarting from an uncomfortable transition, must be soothing to Cairo.


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