In Focus: More than an identity crisis The Arab world has much to learn from Turkey's experience of balancing religion and secularism, writes Galal Nassar The man who laid down the foundations of modern Turkey, Kamal Ataturk, banned the Islamic call to prayer, the wearing of veils, the growing of beards, and the fez. Ataturk may be dead, but his influence is still alive. In the Turkish parliament there is an empty seat still reserved for the father of Turkey, as he was called. But things have changed since Ataturk's time. Since Islamic parties emerged as a key player in Turkey, outsiders have often referred to a power struggle between the Islamic current, led by the Justice and Development Party (JDP), and the military. The recent march by two million people advocating secularism seems to support this point of view. But the problem runs deeper than that. Since the Iraq invasion, the JDP has been steering foreign policy away from the US and NATO. It has voiced sympathy for Iraq and Palestine and engaged both Syria and Iran in talks. As a result, Turkey's status has grown within Arab and Muslim circles. The Turkish military has been threatening to block JDP chief Abdullah Gul from running for president. But threats such as that have to be assessed in conjunction with the JDP's tendency to think independently from the US and NATO. According to the Turkish constitution, the military is the guarantor of secularism in the country. So the military has cause to fear that a president with Islamist ideas may undermine secularism. After all, Turkish presidents stay in office for seven years and have immense powers, including the right to appoint top executive officials and university deans. If Gul or Erdogan sanction the wearing of the Islamic veil in universities, the social fabric of Turkey may change. And should the wife of the president appear with a headscarf in public events, existing laws may have to be changed or deactivated. But let's not forget that the secular parties that ruled Turkey in the past were marred by corruption and mismanagement. The Islamists have rather an impressive record in government. Under the JDP, Turkey has achieved political and economic stability. The Turkish economy has grown at impressive rates, inflation is low, and many reforms have been introduced. What matters most to foreign investors in Turkey is not headdresses and university regulations but political stability, a balanced budget and a strong government. Still, many investors prefer to see Turkey having close ties with the IMF and the World Bank, as well as the US, Israel and Europe. Since it came to power in 2002, the JDP has maintained good relations with the military and the secular part of the population. But how stable are things really? And how long can a head-on collision be avoided between Islamists and the military? Right now, tensions are high. Early legislative elections have been called for 22 July as a way of avoiding further escalation. But elections may only hold off the crisis rather than resolve it. The situation in Turkey is relevant to its neighbours. Many Arab countries are watching with interest developments in Turkish politics, hoping to learn a thing or two about the way to address Islamists at home. In my opinion, the events in Turkey could offer useful insight into Arab societies, some of which have introduced secularism to the point of endangering existing systems of values and ethics. No society can have stability and development without a system of values. When people start thinking of abolishing religious classes in schools, it is perhaps time to think again. The "tyranny of enlightenment" can be just as disruptive as the "tyranny of fundamentalism". Regis Debray, the leftist French thinker, argues that rationalism is no substitute for religion. "We don't want a dry rationality that dismisses religion out of hand... nor do we want fanatical fundamentalism that denounces others." So the real challenge facing Turkey today is not just to curb fundamentalism, but also to find a way to blend modernity with religion and ethics. This cannot be achieved through political bickering, but only through a commitment to co- existence and understanding. Turkey has tried to eliminate secularism in the past, always with disastrous results. Adnan Menderes, prime minister in the 1950s, attempted to tone down the secular policies of Ataturk but ended up being executed by the military. So, have the Turkish Islamists and the military learned their lesson, or is division and strife inevitable? This remains to be seen.
