THIS article is mainly written in the morning of May 23, while millions of Egyptians are heading to the polling stations to cast their votes in the first real presidential election in Egypt's history. This very special occasion should be embraced with joy and enthusiasm rather than concern and fears over its possible outcome. Unlike in any other nation, where this right is practised in a democratically transparent atmosphere, in Egypt it is a question of life and death. It will either result in restoring their great January 25 revolution or sidetracking and aborting it altogether, by a president who does not believe in its principles and aspirations. Most Egyptians, whether they went to Tahrir Square or elsewhere to topple Mubarak's regime or sat on their chairs in front of TV screens following the crucial developments, are showing real concern over the election results. The cause is not so much that they doubt its fairness and transparency than the disturbing climate in which it is being organised and the possible eruption of violence and chaos. The cause for this concern and fear is attributed to the obvious rivalry between the Islamist stream and the remnants of the Mubarak regime over the presidency. Unfortunately, these two camps are the most organised in mobilising their supporters. The first camp and its supporters belong to the religious movements and parties that seek full domination and rule after their success in winning the parliament majority. The actual members of this group might not constitute a threatening percentage of the 51 million eligible voters. However, they are skilled in gathering ordinary citizens behind their candidates. Their ability to mobilise the public on religious grounds, however, was weakened by the Islamists unconvincing performance in parliament, which made many citizens regret voting for them in the November polls. Nevertheless, the huge amounts they were spending on propaganda guaranteed the chance for one of the Islamist candidates to reach the second election round next month. The camp of the Mubarak regime remnants – or what some citizens like to see as experienced statesmen – includes Amr Moussa, the former popular foreign minister under Mubarak in the 1990s and Arab League (AL) Secretary-General until the eruption of the January 25 revolution. Moussa, who had announced that he accepted Mubarak's rule for a sixth term, rushed to announce his support for the revolution and met with its young during their protest. Many citizens, who are tired of the chaos and insecurity that hit the country after Mubarak's resignation, were expected to vote for Moussa, since he is an experienced statesman and the most capable of running the country safely without creating tensions with other, including Israel. Surprisingly, it is Ahmed Shafiq who gained the biggest portion of this voting block and was supported by the remnants of the toppled regime. Some analysts believe that Mossa's participation in the televised debate with the noted Islamist Abdul Moneim Abul Fotouh caused him to lose many votes, which benefitted Ahmed Shafiq, the most controversial candidate who didn't hide his clear hostility towards the revolutionary powers and Islamists. The third camp competing in this historic election represented the revolutionaries, but it did not seem to have a better chance at winning the first round outright than the other two camps. After such a great peaceful revolution that unseated one of the strongest dictators in the Arab world in only 18 days, it was thought people would choose a revolutionary symbol to lead the country and fulfil the principles and aspirations of the revolution: bread, dignity and social justice. However, the different revolutionary powers failed to form a presidential team instead of having more than four candidates competing in the race. This turned out to be their undoing and worked to the advantage of the other camps. The great results the revolutionary candidates obtained in the first round, particularly the leftist Nasserite candidate Hamdeen Sabahi, deserve praise, although he didn't make it into the first two places. Loosing their dream of fulfilling the revolution's goal of creating a civil democratic State, the Egyptian citizens who backed the revolutionary candidates (around 10 million out of the 25 million who participated in the voting process) might sense injustice and despair. However, they might eventually be angry with their candidates for failing to read the political scene the right way and unite behind a single candidate in the face of the other political powers that work on reproducing the old dictatorship or creating an Islamic State. Both the revolutionary powers and their supporters might have been off the mark when reading the political map. However, it will be hard to give up the process and fully withdraw from the political scene.
