The Muslim Brotherhood's political party platform is causing controversy even before it is finalised, reports Amira Howeidy Muslim Brotherhood leader Abdel-Meneim Abul-Fotouh denied press reports suggesting the group would agree to a non-Muslim becoming president. On Tuesday a front page story in the private Al-Masry Al-Yom daily newspaper had quoted an unnamed Brotherhood source as saying the group's political party manifesto would include a clear reference to the rights of non- Muslims to be elected as president. Abul-Fotouh, a member of the Brotherhood's Guidance Bureau and secretary-general of the Arab Doctors' Union, said the group saw "no reason to stipulate this when the existing Egyptian constitution makes no reference to the issue". Article 75 of the constitution stipulates that the president must be an Egyptian, born of Egyptian parents, enjoy civilian and political rights and be 40 years old or more. "The constitution doesn't say anything about the president's religion so why should we?" he told Al-Ahram Weekly. The debate on the religion of any future president, as well as the issue of setting up a board of Muslim clerics to approve legislation, raised controversy when they appeared in a draft version of the Brotherhood's political platform. The Brotherhood had distributed a first version -- which did not include any mention of either issue -- last August. A second, modified version, which included the controversial additions, was distributed last month. Sources inside the group have revealed privately that the second version was the work of five Brotherhood figures and was not approved by the Brotherhood's supreme guide, Mahdi Akef. According to Abul-Fotouh, as many as 40 Muslim Brothers are currently working on the final draft. It will be ready in "weeks", say the group's leaders, who indicate that the wording of controversial articles is currently being revised in the light of the feedback the platform had generated from intellectuals. The Brotherhood's Deputy Supreme Guide Mohamed Habib said the group will hold "workshops" and "meetings" with a number of academics and intellectuals to "assess" the platform and come up with a final version. It is a task that is likely to be less easy than it once seemed now that political and ideological differences within the group have been made public. The current situation contrasts sharply with the united, monolithic image the Brotherhood has promoted in the past, and which many commentators say was behind their impressive performance during the 2005 legislative elections when they won a fifth of parliamentary seats. Now there is talk of a minority group of reformists battling with the dominant conservatives within the Brotherhood. The conservatives are often referred to as Salafists -- those adhering to rigid interpretations of the Quran -- or Qotbists, a reference to Sayed Qotb whose writings are often viewed as one of the foundations of violent political Islam. The five who modified the first draft by alluding to the controversial issues of wilaya -- the person who leads the nation, i.e. the president -- and the board of Muslim Clerics are associated with the conservative stream. On both issues Abul-Fotouh, generally viewed as a reformist, believes the Brotherhood's manifesto should defer to the constitution. "I don't see any reason why there should be a reference to the issue of religion at all though there are those inside the group who want to make it clear that the Brotherhood does not accept the wilaya of non-Muslims. This, though, should remain an expression of the Brotherhood's preference, not something it seeks to impose on others." He described the section on the board of Muslim Clerics, added to pages 12 and 13 of the second draft, as "bad editing". "The main point was to emphasise Al-Azhar's independence from the state and to elect, rather than appoint, its head. That's all," said Abul- Fotouh. Habib differs with such an interpretation. In addition to supporting Al-Azhar's independence, he argues there should be "another independent" body consisting of senior clerics that will be consulted on state matters, though it "will not overrule parliament, nor will its views be mandatory". On the issue of wilaya, Habib believes "there is a consensus among jurisprudents that neither a non-Muslim nor a woman should rule Muslims." Abul-Fotouh thinks such a consensus is outdated and in need of review. He points out that Muslim scholars like Youssef El-Qaradawi -- a leading authority on Sunni Islam -- have vouched for the correctness of electing a non- Muslim. As many await the final version of the Brotherhood's platform, doubts are growing that it will be able to reverse the negative assessment the leaked drafts have received from commentators. Habib acknowledges this. "We received lots of negative feedback," he says, "but it was mostly focussed on the two issues of wilaya and the board of clerics." The sentiment among many observers is that in launching its political platform for the first time since it was created in 1928 the Brotherhood has lost support and attracted a great deal of criticism. "It's a mix of both," says Habib. "But when you throw a stone in still waters things get moving. It could be good for the Brotherhood to get feedback from the intelligentsia rather than succumb to the isolation the authorities want to impose on us."
