Ambassador Klaus Ebermann speaks to Assem El-Kersh and Gamal Nkrumah of constraints on Europe's capacity to act in a troubled Middle East and a difficult new age "We judge not," Klaus Ebermann, Ambassador of the Delegation of the European Commission in Egypt, told Al-Ahram Weekly. A man of few words, he says his major concern is that Europe is seldom understood or fully appreciated in Egypt. He acknowledges that Egyptians have the right to choose the pace and direction of reform that best suit them. Europe has no intention to interfere in the domestic affairs of the country. Ebermann concedes that Europe isn't always an easy partner. But why is it so often perceived as being strong only when it comes to soft issues, and soft on strong ones? "We take decisions by consensus," he explains, which may well account for the prevalent impression that EU foreign policy, at best, is hopelessly muddled. "It is often difficult to achieve unanimity. We are, after all, 27 countries. Our diversity is our strength". He spoke to the Weekly at a time when several European Union (EU) countries, including his native Germany, have seen the release of films and the staging of plays that many Muslims believe defame Islam. Like most of his European peers, and Ebermann is candid about this, he believes free speech and freedom of artistic expression must in the end override religious sensitivities. But this does not mean he is not acutely aware of the harm the publication of insulting cartoons poses to European- Muslim relations. He realises that matters took a turn for the worse in the aftermath of 9/11 but retains faith in the potential of cultural exchange, trade relations and economic cooperation between the EU and the Muslim world, and Egypt and Arab countries in particular, to help improve the situation. "There are tremendous opportunities, most of them barely touched, whereby Egypt and the EU could cooperate more closely," he says. "There is no question that these films and plays are offensive and have soured relations. They are disrespectful, unnecessary and wrong. However, by dialogue and discussion we can overcome all the obstacles. I am against the preaching of hatred, but no European government, nor the EU for that matter, can control the media or freedom of expression." Europe has had a long and chequered relationship with the Arab and Muslim worlds, a tortured legacy, including colonisation, that the EU inherited. Perhaps, though, it is time to forget the past. There are, after all, enough contemporary problems, illegal immigration to Europe not the least among them. Many European countries now have sizeable and vibrant Muslim communities, some of them second and third generation immigrants. Yet problems of integration remain, with many young immigrants feeling the stress of alienation. Ebermann notes that while both Egypt and Europe have their own legitimate interests they do not necessarily pull in opposite directions. Often these interests overlap. Trade between Egypt and the EU, Ebermann says, is one example. In the four years since the signing of the EU/Egypt Association Agreement the volume of trade has increased by 73 per cent. Europe is by far Egypt's largest trading partner and prospects for improved trade opportunities are tremendous. "The interesting fact is," he says, "that Egyptian exports to Europe are increasing at a faster rate than exports from Europe to Egypt." Egypt and the countries of the southern Mediterranean have enormous resources, including oil and gas reserves, minerals and as yet untapped tourism and agricultural potential. Egypt, in particular, has a large, relatively cheap and skilled labour force. Then there is the advantage of geographical proximity. Europe is keen to access these resources. But Ebermann is also conscious that Egypt is a developing country facing gargantuan development challenges and with more than its share of social and economic problems. He is proud of the EU's record of supporting sustainable development and delivering social and public services to the neediest people in urban and rural communities across Upper Egypt and the Delta, and even extending to the Sinai. "We need high-level discussions, we need to create job opportunities and train people here in Egypt," he stresses, alluding to the influx of young Egyptians to Europe in search of a better life. He remains concerned, however, about the slow pace of implementation of bilateral agreements between Egypt and the EU and what he characterises as Egypt's lack of enthusiasm in speeding up binding accords with the EU. "Egypt was not in a hurry to engage," he says, pointing out that the Association Agreement took seven years to negotiate and another two to ratify. European criticism of Egypt's human rights record is also a thorn in the side of the relationship. To many Egyptians such criticism smacks of interference in domestic affairs, reminiscent of the subservient relationship Egypt had with its colonial masters. Ebermann stresses that Europe's emphasis on human rights and democracy is part of a much broader agenda of political reform. He insists that it is easier to cooperate with like-minded countries that share values and believe human rights are universal. Aware of Egyptian sensitivities, he does not expect things to change overnight. The recent furore over a European Parliament resolution on violations of human rights in Egypt is a case in point. "I understand that Egypt felt deeply offended by the resolution," he says. "But differences aside, this does not mean that European-Egyptian relations are in trouble. Such differences in opinion are understandable, and are not insurmountable." The European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) is another bone of contention. "We need meaningful, animated discussions," argues Ebermann, and it is against this backdrop that groups like the EIDHR are a prerequisite as far as the Europeans are concerned. "We underline the importance of civil society but we don't go to check on civil society organisations. We never step the line." European institutions, he says, could play a crucial role in supporting Egypt's democratic and political reform process. "We are following closely what is happening in Egypt. We understand that this is not an easy challenge. We try to help when we can." Ebermann prefers to focus on the positive aspects of the relationship between Egypt and Europe, particularly when it comes to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) Action Plan. "The EU supports Egypt's education reform programme. There is no conditionality, no strings attached." He then lists key development projects in which the EU is actively engaged, covering water management and health as well as education, citing the ENP Action Plan, signed a year ago, as a perfect example of cooperation between Egypt and the EU. But while "the relationship between Egypt and the EU is up and running" Ebermann sees plenty of room for improvement once remaining bureaucratic hurdles are overcome. He believes Europe -- the EU is by far the largest donor to Egypt -- can have a far greater impact than at present, and thinks European influence should be brought to bear more strongly across the region, particularly with regard to the peace process. Highly critical of the disproportionate use of force by Israel against the Palestinians, he insists that the EU strives to be even-handed even if it sometimes fails. "We cannot afford to be dreamers," he says. "The peace process has come to a grinding halt." "We have what they call the Annapolis process which has come out now. We have to make sure it is getting back on track. There is no other option on the table now," Ebermann notes. He points out that Europe wants to work more closely with the Arab League. Faced by the often-cited criticism that the EU flexes its muscles when it comes to Palestinian reprisals while reacting softly to Israeli atrocities, he says that the EU tries hard to remain even-handed (to be able to act as a credible mediator). "We have to be realistic. What can we do? We do not want to be a superpower. "We cannot afford to be dreamers. We try to help out but there are things beyond our control." He repeatedly stressed that there are fault-lines in big-power politics that have to be acknowledged. He explained the rudiments of the European foreign policy mechanism and stressed that, "we have rules and regulations" in what sounded like a tortuously difficult decision- making process. "We are always trying to find ways and means to reach a consensus and compromise". It is against this backdrop that Europe found itself hand-strapped during the latest round of clashes in Gaza. "One must stand out in trying to reach compromise solutions where there are military implications, where there is the use of force and firepower we have to acknowledge we have limits to what we can do." Europe is not a homogenous monolith. "Millions of Europeans have demonstrated against war in Iraq. Millions of Europeans disagree with the line of politics by their governments," he observes. When questioned about EU Foreign Policy Chief Javier Solana reported decision to freeze talks with Hamas, Ebermann attempted to set the record straight. "Solana is not inventing policy, his hands are tied and he is only following the policy line set by European foreign ministers and heads of state." Most Europeans regard Hamas as a terrorist organisation. It is unfair to put blame on Solana." Does he agree that it is equally unfair to blame Palestinians when they resist occupation? "That is one way of looking at it. I wouldn't contradict." Ebermann is aware of the frequent charge that dishing money on the part of Europe is only a way of washing hands of its moral and historical responsibility towards the plight of the Palestinians. "Living conditions in Gaza are deplorable," Ebermann agrees. "We must revitalise Gaza economically. And, reinforce security in the West Bank and Gaza." Even thought the EU is the largest donor to the Palestinians yet it has played a negligible role in advancing the cause of the Middle East peace process. "We are aware that this is a drop in the ocean." "Why do we invest in this part of the world? Geographical proximity with Europe plays a part and we need the Arab region as a strong, viable economic partner," he explains. "We have the same time zone," he adds. But, your key asset is its young people." "The Mediterranean is a lake shared by the EU and the countries of the southern Mediterranean," he says. It should not be a barrier but rather facilitate communication for whatever the challenges faced by countries north and south of the Mediterranean Ebermann is sure of one thing, that the future prosperity of the two regions is inextricably intertwined. "Cultural exchange is a key medium of communication," he argues. Ambassador Ebermann has every reason to feel proud of his career, considering the role and attributes of a successful diplomat. This is not his first tough assignment. He served as EU ambassador to the People's Republic of China before being transferred to Egypt. He reminisces about his experience in China. "China, like Egypt, is experiencing fast and radical changes," he says. "I am an Egypt watcher," he beams proudly.
