Saleh Al-Naami in Gaza is sceptical about when and if Egyptian efforts will pave the way for genuine Palestinian reconciliation It was not out of charity that the governments of Gaza and Ramallah recently announced their development plans for the next several years. These two governments are proceeding as if current divisions will last a long time, requiring them to work as separate entities for some time ahead. It appears that the Palestinians have a long wait before inter-factional divisions end, especially in light of the refusal by Hamas and several Palestinian factions to sign the Egyptian reconciliation pact. Although the leadership of Hamas and its representatives refuse to publicly discuss their objections regarding the Egyptian proposal, and continue to praise Egypt's efforts, behind closed doors they freely accuse Egypt of misleading them. They claim Egyptian officials are trying to force Hamas to sign a document which contains unsettled issues, and is void of any articles which have been agreed upon. A prominent figure in Hamas, who preferred anonymity, told Al-Ahram Weekly that the deal which the movement's Political Bureau Chief Khaled Meshaal was given in Cairo months ago is different from the one delivered to the group since the recent Goldstone controversy. This top official said that Meshaal was given an eight- page reconciliation plan by the Egyptians, but the more recent document is 28 pages long. According to him, one of the articles contested by Hamas in the new proposal concerns the multi-factional committee overseeing the Gaza Strip until elections are held. The new draft states that this committee would be responsible for "settling crucial Palestinian issues and deciding on them by consensus." He revealed that a phrase was removed from previous drafts, stating that any decisions by this committee cannot be deferred since it represents Palestinian consensus. As for the portion dealing with the Palestinian security apparatus, he continued, the new draft contains a very disturbing clause, namely that it is prohibited from creating any military formation beyond the framework stipulated by the security apparatus. This can be interpreted as a ban on the military wings of Palestinian resistance movements. It is impossible to agree to this clause, asserted the Hamas official, since the liberation operation has not yet been accomplished. This is especially true in light of Israel's refusal to recognise Palestinian national rights, he added. According to the official, it is not possible for Hamas or any other faction to achieve conciliation at the expense of the Palestinian people's right to resist occupation. Another problematic issue in the latest reconciliation deal relates to the duties of the general intelligence apparatus, which is expected to "cooperate in a reciprocal manner with friendly states to combat any activities which threaten peace and joint security, or internal security". The official believes this clause would legitimise the security coordination carried out on the part of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Aside from these objections, Hamas is also raising four other issues of concern unrelated to the proposal. The movement does not want any reference to the conditions of the peace Quartet in the programme of the national reconciliation government. This is in response to recent comments by US Special Envoy to the Middle East George Mitchell that criticised Egypt's efforts in achieving reconciliation, and his stipulation that any future Palestinian government must embrace the Quartet's conditions. These conditions are that Palestinian resistance should halt since it is considered terrorism; there is a commitment to previous agreements signed between the PA and Israel; and the recognition of Israel. Second, Hamas wants Egypt to re-open the border at Rafah as soon as an agreement is signed, since a deal would invalidate any pretexts which were used to justify the closure. Third, Egypt and other Arab states should express their support for the results of any upcoming legislative and presidential elections, regardless of their outcome. This is to avoid a repetition of the reaction on the part of the Arab world after Hamas's landslide victory in the last elections. Finally, Hamas wants the PA to summarily release all political detainees in its jails in order to resolve this issue in a prompt and timely fashion. With Hamas refusing to sign anything until Cairo responds to its suggestions, and Egyptian officials insisting that they will not succumb to Hamas's demands, a Palestinian official assured the Weekly that efforts are underway to bridge the two viewpoints. He indicated that several formulas are being discussed to end this crisis, including rewriting some of the clauses which are objectionable to Hamas. But Hamas is not the only party that is critical of the plan; this is the general sense among all Palestinian factions with the exception of Fatah, which has already signed the proposal. Khedr Habib, a leader of Islamic Jihad, said that his group noted "core objections" to some of the ideas in the proposal. On the issue of dissolving resistance groups, Habib asserted that "resistance is not militia activity; it is the right of our people to resist occupation. We do not have a country, but we have resistance factions which have the right to bear arms and continue their struggle until Jerusalem and Palestine are entirely liberated." Gamil Mazhar, a member of the Executive Committee of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), strongly condemned the "revised" Egyptian plan because it was void of any suggestions made by the Palestinian factions. "Although we never received the proposal officially, what we know of its content surprisingly neglects to mention the right of return for refugees and the Palestinians' right to resistance of occupation," retorted Mazhar. He listed several other objections by the PFLP to the proposal, including the formation of a joint committee to oversee the Gaza Strip and the nature of the electoral system. Mazhar demanded a comprehensive national dialogue in order to reach agreement on new lucid guidelines for the Egyptian proposal. "Cairo should reconsider the mechanism it proposed to get this document signed," he suggested. "An all-inclusive dialogue should be held to discuss the remarks and objections, in order to arrive at a document which reflects the common ground among all the parties." Meanwhile, the war of words between Fatah and Hamas rages on. Mahmoud Al-Zahhar, a leading Hamas figure, threatened to sue Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) in Palestinian courts for accusing Hamas leaders of fleeing to Sinai during Israel's assault on Gaza. Al-Zahhar was quoted in the press as challenging Abu Mazen "to name those who fled, when this happened, and furnish evidence from the Egyptians proving this claim." Mohamed Dahlan, member of Fatah's Central Committee, accused Hamas of being "more prolific liars" than Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. Dahlan called on the Egyptian leadership to reveal which party is delaying a final Palestinian reconciliation deal. "Hamas's stock of lies far outnumbers that of Netanyahu," claimed Dahlan, telling a news conference on Monday that Hamas's objections to the Egyptian document and need for further discussions are another fabrication to avoid signing an agreement. He continued that this has transpired because Hamas is running out of excuses, the most recent of which was the Goldstone affair. Nonetheless, Fatah is leaving the door ajar to allow reconciliation efforts to continue. At the same time, key figures in the group agree that the proposal currently on the table corresponds with many of Fatah's demands. Also, the movement has indicated that it is willing to withdraw threats by Abbas to hold legislative elections on time on 25 January 2010. Azzam Al-Ahmed, member of Fatah's Central Committee, predicted that the Palestine Liberation Organisation's Central Council will recommend that Abbas postpone elections indefinitely. Al-Ahmed stated that Abbas is legally obligated to hold elections on time, "although there has not been an official decree to this end. In the event that a reconciliation agreement is signed, a decree must be issued setting a new date for elections." In short, most Palestinians await the outcome of the secret contacts underway between Cairo and Hamas. While observers believe that Hamas will eventually sign the Egyptian proposal, the bigger hurdle will be the future of genuine reconciliation after pens are put to paper. The general sense is that the lack of trust between the groups will destroy any possibility of making any deal a success.
