Tensions between the Al-Nahda Movement, the president, and the other parties in the governing coalition may lead to the end of the troika government, writes Lassaad ben Ahmed in Tunis After being mocked by the country's media and social networks, and even being called a "puppet president," Tunisia's interim president, Moncef Al-Marzouqi, has been trying to convince the public that he is not responsible for the weakness of the ruling coalition, or troika, that came to power at the beginning of the year. Al-Marzouqi presented his arguments at the conference of his Congress for the Republic Party (CRP), signaling to observers that campaigning is now underway for the upcoming Tunisian elections and that Al-Marzouqi wants to stay in office without the support of the Al-Nahda Movement that leads the coalition government. Al-Marzouqi was elected president by members of the Al-Nahda Movement and other coalition parties after the elections on 23 October, 2011. Al-Marzouqi, who did not attend the inaugural session of his Party conference, but instead had party official Al-Sayed Walid Haduq read his scathing address for him, accused Al-Nahda of "seeking to control key administrative and political positions in the state by appointing its supporters to them." He also criticised the troika government's overall performance. Senior Al-Nahda Movement members present left the conference, aside from historic leader Rached Al-Ghannouchi, who tried to minimise the gravity of Al-Marzouqi's accusations, saying that the latter did not speak for the CRP as a whole. Government spokesman Samir Dilo told the media when he left the conference that Al-Marzouqi and his party needed "to choose between staying in power and joining the opposition." Al-Marzouqi also announced his intention to run in the upcoming presidential elections, adding that he would not receive the support of Al-Nahda, since his position had been destabilised because of the troika government's handover of former Libyan prime minister Al-Baghdadi Al-Mahmoudi, who had claimed political asylum in Tunisia, to the Libyan authorities. He had also not taken any decision on whether the new political system in Tunisia, due to be announced in the country's new constitution, should be a parliamentary or presidential system or a mixture of the two. Meanwhile, conference participants said that the CRP was adamant in its desire to remain part of the troika government, and one CRP minister even apologised to Al-Ghannouchi for Al-Marzouqi's remarks, saying that they did not represent the party's views. As a result, it seems that Al-Marzouqi has lost his position in the CRP, as well as the support of the Al-Nahda Movement. He has also lost the support of opposition figures like Ahmed Najib Al-Shabi, who has declared that Al-Marzouqi's change of heart has come too late and is just an early campaign move. The tensions between Al-Marzouqi and Al-Nahda have stirred up issues such as the interim president's health and his alleged obsession with being president, even though it is a post at present devoid of any actual powers. Al-Marzouqi has been unable to play a leadership role during the country's transitional phase, which is now almost over. The escalation of the tensions with Al-Nahda has come at a time when the government is under fire and Al-Nahda is if anything isolated within the Tunisian Constituent Assembly, after losing by one vote its proposal for the republic to be governed according to a parliamentary, rather than a presidential, system. The assembly committee responsible instead chose an amended presidential system, and Al-Nahda now also faces growing political isolation because of its position regarding intermittent abuses carried out by members of Salafist movements in Tunisia. Analysts believe that more political surprises could be in store next week that could put an end to the troika's rule, possibly changing the character of the government entirely by making Al-Nahda a minority party in the coalition despite its winning more than 1.5 million of four million votes in the last elections. The Call for Tunisia Party continues to win over supporters inside and outside the Constituent Assembly, threatening troika government rule. Meanwhile, in another development this week, the former director of Tunisian state television, Mohamed Shalabi, was found guilty of financial and administrative corruption, leading to protests in the country's media about "corrupt" figures such as Sami Al-Fahri, owner of a private TV channel, being allowed to roam the streets in his Hummer, while prosecuting "underlings" such as Shalabi. When a court in the capital issued an arrest warrant for Al-Fahri, the Tunisian press syndicate issued a statement condemning what it called pressures being put on the country's media, describing the warrant as a political move against Al-Fahri and having nothing to do with alleged abuses. However, Al-Fahri enjoyed considerable power over the country's broadcasting system under the rule of ousted president Zein Al-Abidine bin Ali because of his being awarded many unfair contracts. Al-Fahri was a staunch defender of the Bin Ali regime until the final days of the former president's rule, and he was a partner with Belhassen Trabelsi, brother of Bin Ali's wife, in Cactus, a television production company that sold content to the state television channels at exorbitant prices, while gathering the advertising revenues. These are estimated at some 120 million dinars (almost $80 million), according to some sources. Al-Fahri is also thought to have profited in the amount of a further 16 million dinars ($11 million). Al-Fahri has denounced the arrest warrant, claiming that it is related to the Cactus programme "Political Logic", which pokes fun at the country's political leaders. For his part, Lutfi Al-Zaytoun, the prime minister's political adviser, has criticised the country's media figures for their defence of Al-Fahri. Al-Fahri's programmes are very popular among audiences in Tunisia, despite reports of his corruption.
