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A taste of thyme
Dina Ezzat
Published in
Al-Ahram Weekly
on 28 - 03 - 2002
The Lebanese stamp on the Arab summit went way beyond providing hospitality
"The convocation of the Arab summit this year in
Beirut
gives it a special flavour," said Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa in his opening remarks before the Arab foreign ministers meeting that took place on Monday, Dina Ezzat reports. Moussa did not elaborate much on what he meant by his reference to "a special flavour" which could mean anything from the gracious nature of Lebanese hospitality to the political impact of the venue of the summit on the language coming out of it.
The convocation of the summit in
Lebanon
, out of the Arabic alphabetical sequence, was decided last year in the
Amman
summit when Sheikh Zayed of the United Arab Emirates declared that due to health reasons he will be unable to host the summit. And, since that very day there has been much talk about the wisdom of holding such a high-level Arab conference in
Beirut
, a city that has not totally recovered from the negative impact of a civil war that lasted for 15 years. There were actually moments when it seemed that the summit will not be held in
Beirut
at all.
A few months ago
Libya
officially requested the Arab League to hold the conference at its
Cairo
headquarters in view of the death threats made against
Libyan
leader Muammar Gaddafi by some Shi'ite factions in
Lebanon
. Lebanese Shi'ites accuse Gaddafi of involvement in the kidnapping and consequent mysterious disappearance of one of one of its leading figures. It took Moussa several weeks of shuttle diplomacy to fix this matter and persuade Gaddafi to send his Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Al-Trieki to the summit.
Security was not the only concern that made several Arab capitals reluctant to go to
Beirut
for their summit. Political concerns were as pressing.
"We are all well aware of the complexity of the political agenda that
Lebanon
is obliged to pursue," commented one
Beirut
-based Arab diplomat who asked for his name to be withheld. This agenda is indeed multi-layered. First of all there are the many political and sectional trends that share in the governance of the country. The presidency, the government and the Parliament have contradicting agendas that often keep them from agreeing on the overall political line of the state. The impact of this internal conflict of agendas was made evidently clear when Speaker of the Lebanese Parliament Nabih Berri suggested a few weeks ago that the Arab summit be postponed for a few months while Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Al-Hariri was arguing that the summit needs to be held on time and Lebanese President Emil Lahoud was trying to bridge positions.
Then, there is of course Hizbullah that liberated the occupied south after 18 years of
Israeli
occupation. Hizbullah's impact on the politics of
Lebanon
is often emphasised by the visits made by international dignitaries, including UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, to Hizbullah's leader Hassan
Nasrallah
. Indeed, even the
Israeli
government sends envoys to negotiate with Hizbullah. Hizbullah is a power to be reckoned with in
Lebanon
.
These different compartments of the Lebanese state have to worry, each in a different way, about the language that will emanate from
Beirut
, specially concerning issues related to the Arab-
Israeli
conflict. The different, or rather contrasting, positions taken by these different groups on the Saudi peace initiative did not make it very easy for the Lebanese negotiating team. On Sunday, to commemorate a religious holiday,
Nasrallah
pleaded with the Arab leaders to drop any talk about making peace with
Israel
and to offer military support to the Palestinian Intifada to which he pledged maximum support.
Nasrallah
's statements came less than 24 hours after Lebanese President Lahoud had told the Lebanese press that his country will not allow Palestinian activists residing in the Lebanese Palestinian refugee camps to launch any actions against
Israel
from Lebanese territories.
Indeed, the issue of Palestinian refugees is vital for
Lebanon
. It is perhaps the one thing that all Lebanese agree on. The Lebanese government says it has some 380,000 Palestinian refugees living in camps. "
Lebanon
cannot afford to repatriate those refugees. It is out of the question. The Lebanese ethnic diversity is difficult to balance and we do not need any added headaches," commented one Lebanese official.
Nasrallah
, in his Sunday speech argued that for any Arab to accept or promote repatriation of Palestinian refugees to any place other than Palestine is only akin to the selling of Palestine to the
Israelis
.
"Palestinian refugees have to get their legitimate right of return in accordance with UN Resolution 194," commented Lebanese Foreign Minister Mahmoud Hamoud in a press conference at the conclusion of the Arab foreign ministers meeting on Monday.
Actually, the draft
Beirut
declaration coming out of this foreign ministers' meeting had more than one reference to this point. The right of return of Palestinian refugees came in both a separate paragraph and in other paragraphs related to Arab-
Israeli
conflict.
Unlike the
Cairo
and
Amman
declarations, issued by the last two Arab summits in 2000 and 2001, the
Beirut
Declaration includes lengthy references to issues related to the Lebanese point of view on the Arab-
Israeli
conflict. These included references to the Lebanese prisoners in
Israeli
prisons and the right of financial compensation to be made by
Israel
to
Lebanon
.
Obviously, the point of view of
Syria
,
Lebanon
's close associate, was also more strongly felt, to say the least, in the draft
Beirut
Declaration than in the
Cairo
or
Amman
declarations.
Moreover,
Lebanon
's obvious financial needs for reconstruction of the infrastructure wrecked in years of
Israeli
military invasions and civil war had its impact on the summit in the meetings of the Economic and Social Council as in every other meeting.
But, perhaps the most interesting aspect of the impact of having
Lebanon
as a host was its keenness to use this summit to give itself a face-lift. "
Lebanon
wants to come out of this summit as a different Arab state," commented one Arab ambassador in
Beirut
. He added, "The Lebanese want to stop being perceived by the rest of the Arab world as a small Arab country that is a subordinate of
Syria
. The Lebanese know that they will not emerge from the Arab summit as a leading Arab country but they also want to bypass their image as a 'minor' Arab state that is dealt with in
Damascus
." To do this the Lebanese delegation, Arab officials say, were making an exceptional effort to be involved in all the details of drafting both the
Beirut
Declaration and the summit resolutions. "At times they overdid it but it is understandable," commented one delegate.
Meanwhile, the Lebanese were doing everything possible to project a "post-war" image of their country. Indeed, Lebanese hospitality was offered at its best. "It is an honour for us to host this summit," said Lebanese Prime Minister Al-Hariri. "We have to use this summit to show the world that the war years are over and that
Lebanon
is back on its feet."
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