The contradictions of international migration and the ascendant role of organised crime in moving people across borders is explored by Tamam Ahmed Jama The widening gap between the world's "haves" and "have-nots" is accelerating the exodus of people across borders. Encouraged by improvements in transportation and communications technologies, more and more people are seeking to escape from comparatively dismal working and living conditions in developing countries in search of better employment prospects in the industrialised nations of Western Europe and North America. "Migration pressures are increasing as possibilities for employment and economic survival at home dwindle or disappear altogether," said Patrick Taran, senior migration specialist at the International Labour Office (ILO) in Geneva, Switzerland. While liberalisation has been the hallmark of globalisation in the areas of trade and finances, migration policies have not seen similar developments. On the contrary, most industrialised countries, and an increasing number of developing nations, have imposed restrictive immigration laws over the past decade. Restrictions on visas and tighter border controls have not, however, halted the flow of migrants; they have simply driven the movement underground. This is especially the case because of a steady demand in most industrialised countries for cheap foreign labour -- particularly in the areas of manufacturing, agriculture, construction and domestic work. "With [increasingly] fewer options available for legal migration, irregular migration channels become an alternative, which presents lucrative 'business' for those offering to match the supply and demand for a fee," Taran said. Here is where organised crime enters the picture. The smuggling of people is now a thriving multi-billion dollar industry -- worth $10 billion to $15 billion annually, according to ILO estimates -- second only to drugs smuggling in size and sophistication. The issue of traffic in humans, the so-called "human cargo" issue, made headlines in the late 1990s in the face of the plight of many who, lured by better prospects in the affluent West, perished en route. In one such incident in June 2000 British authorities made a gruesome discovery of the bodies of 58 Chinese migrants at the port of Dover. The victims, who died of suffocation, were hidden in the back of a delivery truck carrying tomatoes. Trafficking has traditionally been viewed -- and still is, to a significant extent -- as a matter of state protection, which is why emphasis has been placed on stringent immigration laws and border control policies. The irony is that these responses further aggravate the problem: the more difficult it is to immigrate legally, the more people turn to traffickers. "Smuggling occurs because borders have become barriers," Taran said. "Borders are barriers preventing labour supply from meeting labour demand." Prior to the 11 September attacks, there had been growing recognition, especially in Europe, that trafficking should be viewed from a human rights perspective. This means that those "trafficked" should not be seen as criminals who violate immigration laws, but as victims of serious human rights violations. The tragic events of 11 September, according to Taran, have derailed emerging positive developments and thrown the discussion back into the traditional control paradigm -- that foreigners constitute a security threat and that the safest bet is to keep them out. Making it to a destination country safely is not the end of the ordeal for undocumented migrants. Gangs who organise the illegal entry often charge a fee much higher than what most migrants can pay up front. The migrants are expected to "work" up the rest once abroad and the stakes are high for anyone failing to do so. The lives of migrants, or those of their families back home, are often in danger in the event of a default in payment. The danger is even more acute for migrant women, many of whom are forced into prostitution to pay their debt. "While most migrants face serious adjustment problems in labour markets in destination countries, undocumented migrants are extremely vulnerable," said Ozai Mehmet, professor of international development at the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University, in Ottawa. They fall victim to "pull" and "push" factors in destination and sending countries. The pull factors are relatively higher wages and better living conditions in destination countries, while the push factors are low wages or unemployment in the countries of origin. Migrants often end up doing jobs well below what their skills or training should allow for. They typically take up what are dubbed as "3D-jobs" -- dirty, difficult and dangerous. They tend not to protest against hazardous working conditions or blatant discrimination, let alone demand decent pay. The difficulty is compounded by the fact that, as "illegal aliens", migrants without proper documentation have no legal protection or recourse. "The fact that they are hiding from the authorities makes them susceptible to exploitation and abuse," Taran said. In addition to the ever- present fear of deportation, at times of economic downturn they become easy targets for scapegoating -- bearing the brunt of blame for anything from "stealing" jobs to increasing crime rates. According to Mehmet, international migration is the weakest part of global governance and the least managed part of today's global economy. "There are extensive rules and regulations for capital and technology movements, for finance and banking," he said. "But when it comes to the movement of people, the rules are inadequate and very poorly managed." Unlike the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organisation -- all regulating capital flows and trade -- international organisations dealing with migration and labour issues such as the International Labour Organisation and the International Organisation for Migration, are comparatively weak and lack enforcement mechanisms. Similarly, international conventions aimed at the promotion and protection of migrant rights do not gain wide acceptance. The 1990 Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers, for example, has not yet come into force, due to insufficient number of ratifications. Nor have the 2001 Palermo Protocols on Smuggling of Migrants and Trafficking in Persons received substantial support to carry, at least, moral weight. Mehmet paints a bleak future for international migration, at least in the short term. "The current international agenda does not attempt to achieve a 'level playing field' for the workers of the world; it merely seeks to level the field for capital and technology flows," he said. "So, I expect problems of human trafficking and exploitation of migrants to get worse -- until the international community commits itself to better global governance." According to Taran, the pull and push factors that uproot people from their countries and communities are likely to intensify in the coming years. He adds that, due to aging populations and declining birthrates, immigration will be a crucial factor for the economies of most industrialised nations in the near future. Taran also echoes the need for international norms which, while properly matching supply with demand in global labour markets, would also uphold the dignity of migrants and protect their basic human rights. "Migration, regular and irregular, will continue as inexorably as the economic forces at work in a globalised economy," he said. "The international community acknowledges the need to manage and regulate the movement of capital, goods and technology. There is a fundamental contradiction when the same logic is not applied to migration."
