Amira Howeidy finds out why Palestinian factions disapprove of the proposed Egyptian role in Gaza The Palestinian Islamic resistance movement Hamas was quick to openly criticise Cairo's proposed security role in the Gaza Strip when word of the Egyptian plan came to the surface last week. The reaction was a shift for Hamas, which has for the most part been diplomatic when discussing Egypt's role in the Palestinian-Israeli crisis. Hamas, more so perhaps than other Palestinian factions, has always adopted a philosophy of maintaining good relations with Egypt, which it considers the Arab "gateway". Its immediate and negative reaction to Cairo's suggestions, even before the full details of a potential Egyptian role in Gaza were revealed, highlights the gravity of the situation from the point of view of one of the strongest players in Gaza itself. "Our reservations stem from our concern that the Palestinian question is being reduced -- quite wrongly -- to a security issue, when it's [really] an issue of Israeli occupation," Mohamed Nazal of Hamas told Al-Ahram Weekly by phone from Beirut. The Palestinian street, he said, is "very worried" about Israel's perception of Gaza as a hotbed of violence that Israel just wants to get rid of. "Gaza has been the springboard for resistance," he said, "so when the issue of a security role is floated, it actually means a role that is expected to quash the resistance," a serious development when the possibility emerges "that this task might be allocated to Arabs". Nazal voiced his movement's suspicions regarding those elements of the Egyptian plan that have been revealed, including the possibility that Egyptian experts will "train" Palestinian security forces in Gaza. "There have been trained security forces in Gaza since 1993," Nazal said. "Where is the need for more training? What does that mean?" Hamas had asked Egypt for "clarifications" of the proposed Cairo plan, he said. The Israeli press's analysis of Egypt's motivations for playing such a major role in Gaza has not helped matters. Cairo fears an Islamist-controlled Gaza would be the consequence of Israel's withdrawal, various Israeli pundits have argued, and does not want a mini-Islamic state controlled by Hamas and Jihad on its border, since that would strengthen Egypt's barely- tolerated Islamist movement at the same time. Nazal and Hamas blame the Israeli press for "inciting" the situation. "Hamas is a liberation movement and to suggest otherwise, or to play on Egypt's experience with Islamic militancy in this regard and apply it to the situation in Gaza today, is [an exercise in] twisting facts for evil purposes." A strongly worded statement issued on Tuesday by "Palestinian national and Islamic forces" criticising the disengagement plan, with its proposed Arab security role, shows that the Islamic resistance factions are not alone in their reservations. The statement described Sharon's unilateral plan as part of Israel's "deceptive and misleading" efforts to imprison the Palestinians in Gaza, "by controlling its water sources, its air zone and borders". Egypt's involvement on any level in this kind of dynamic is especially alarming to the Palestinians. In a telephone interview from Gaza, Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) veteran Jamil Al-Majdalawi told the Weekly that Sharon's disengagement plan is one of his most dangerous political projects, for it aims to replace Palestinian rights enshrined by UN resolutions with Arab and Palestinian approval of Sharon's unilateral settlement. "We welcome any Egyptian assistance, but we disapprove of any reciprocation -- either directly or indirectly -- to Sharon's project." Al-Majdalawi also took issue with Israeli Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom's statements following his meeting with President Hosni Mubarak on Monday. Shalom announced, among other things, Cairo's approval of a plan to deploy its soldiers on the Egyptian side of the border. "It reflects the role Israel will permit Egypt to perform -- strictly a security role," he said. An article by prominent Palestinian analyst Khaled Al-Horoub published in the London-based Al-Hayat newspaper on 3 June was even more direct in its criticism of an Egyptian role in Gaza. "Israel wants Egypt to be responsible for the security of Gaza's external borders, not only on the Egyptian side, but also on the Palestinian side. This means Egypt will be held responsible -- regionally and internationally -- for any security holes. The Israeli side thus wants Egypt to guarantee Israel's security, which ultimately tarnishes Egypt's reputation with the Palestinians and the Arabs." The full details of the Egyptian plan and its potential role in Gaza have not been made public, although Egyptian Intelligence Chief Omar Suleiman reportedly provided Palestinian Chairman Yasser Arafat with the particulars last week. Thus far, Palestinian and Egyptian officials have revealed only parts of the plan -- including demands that Arafat relinquish some of his power to Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei. It also offers suggestions on restructuring the Palestinians security apparatus and calls for a halt of the "violence" on both sides. Although Arafat announced his approval of the Egyptian plan on Monday, Al-Majdalawi remains sceptical. "We don't know exactly what Arafat accepted, and the Palestinian Authority revealed only what it wanted to reveal about the plan." What the factions do know is that Cairo wants the Palestinians back at the negotiations table with the Israelis, something that won't happen as long as both Israel and the US refuse to talk to Arafat. That seems to be the logic behind the suggestion that Arafat's role be more symbolic. "We can't be expected to tailor ourselves according to Israeli and American policies," Al-Majdalawi said. "And the Arabs shouldn't expect us to perform that role either." He also took issue with Egypt's call for a halt to the violence. "We don't accept terms such as 'mutual violence' because it equates Palestinian resistance to the occupation with Israel's terrorism -- which is not acceptable." Terminology and Arafat's reduced role aside, Palestinians critical of Egyptian involvement in the Gaza quagmire are left with serious questions and uncomforted fears. "Even if Egypt's role will be limited to training Palestinian security forces," wrote Al-Horoub, "what if the resistance factions, for example, refuse to halt their operations and launch these operations from Gaza. Will Israel hold Egypt responsible for that? And how will Egypt react in a situation like this?" More importantly, he asked, "what if some of the Egyptian security experts are assassinated in Gaza, by any party that wants to create chaos? Won't this complicate the situation further and poison the climate?"
