The time for comprehensive reform and Palestinian unity is now, writes Nayef Hawatmeh The crisis now unfolding among rival factions within the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority (PA) is but a mirror highlighting the corruption of the Palestinian political system and its lack of stability. The Palestinian system lacks political principles just as it lacks mechanisms of democratic work. The current jockeying for power is but the outcome of totalitarian thinking and despotic propensities that have taken root within PLO ranks for decades, during which time little attention was given to the dynamic forces of society and to the need to promote socio-political plurality. With the creation of the PA, in implementation of the Oslo Accords, the agencies and institutions of the PA retained the same flaws of the PLO. As a result, the tasks of national, democratic and social struggle became blurred. In the absence of effective institutions, self-interest reigned supreme, divisions abounded, abuse of power became the norm and nepotism flourished. This inflicted severe damage on the concept of citizenry as well as Palestinian national struggle. The crisis of the PA is part of the crisis of Palestinian national efforts as a whole. It is largely linked to the dominance of political patriarchy, a system that spawns corruption and tyranny and steers clear of the legitimacy of institutions. Since its creation, the PA's policies have wreaked havoc on structures that had taken shape and stood defiant under occupation and under the occupation's civil administration. The PA remains unaware of, or indifferent to, the fact that Palestinian social forces differ from their counterparts in other societies, for they have been active in organising Palestinian society in the face of Israeli occupation. The presence of an articulate, cohesive and organised structure for local Palestinian society was a prerequisite in the battle for regaining the legitimate national rights of our people. Such was the point our people made through the 1987-1993 Intifada, which was a battle for dismantling the occupation's civil administration. Recent episodes in the crisis of the Fatah-PA mark the deepening of a complex dilemma, one caused by the systematic erosion of the PLO and the PA. This situation has opened the door to the emergence of new political alternatives, of fresh and more hazardous forms of conflict. This situation adds to the difficulties facing those forces that are still loyal to the PLO, its leading role, its representative method of operation (a unified, broad-based national front) and its national programme -- the latter being a daily need for the struggle as well as an objective strategy. For how can one preserve the PLO's legitimacy as a representative of our people when the national role of institutions is sidelined and when the executive officials of the PLO and the PA are pursuing erratic policies, which has been the case since the Oslo process went into effect? In order to find a national framework capable of resolving the worsening PA crisis, everyone has to agree that the crisis is not an internal Fatah affair, and that the solution, therefore, cannot come from Fatah alone. Several Fatah-PA solutions have been tried in the past and none succeeded. Deals were done among the rival factions, but these deals lacked a sense of direction. Their only aim was to skirt responsibility and ignore the demands for full reform. The PA has introduced reforms that were correct in principle, such as the creation of a prime ministerial post, the unification of security apparatuses and the partial reform of financial institutions. But these reforms were carried out not to promote national interest but to conform with dictates the roadmap imposed on the Palestinians. This is why these reforms remain incomplete, obstructed, ineffectual. The Ramallah document of 30 March 2004 remains the one nationally accepted framework for resolving the ongoing crisis. What is needed now is to create practical mechanisms to implement the agreement reached among 13 Palestinian factions, including Fatah. To achieve this task, one has to keep in mind the following points: First, any process of reform should emanate from the requisites of national Palestinian interest, away from capitulation to the Israeli-US demands of so-called reform, because the latter is nothing but an attempt to push through Sharon's US-backed agenda. Second, the reforms conducted should be comprehensive and rigorous, eliminating all forms of corruption in the Palestinian political system. Third, any solution of the crisis requires the creation of an all-encompassing national framework in which everyone should take part as equals. Through this framework, which is not to supplant the PLO, a programme for reform should be approved and implemented. This programme should involve the creation of a government of national unity. The latter should hold local elections and prepare for holding general elections. Fourth, the cornerstone of any national consensus programme is politics. Unless everyone agrees on a common national denominator, unless a new strategy for negotiations is formulated -- one that preserves the right of our people for return, self-determination, independence and full sovereignty -- no consensus would be possible. Fifth, in order for our national institutions to rehabilitate their compromised reputation and for the security breaches to end, national institutions should assume their full role and purge themselves of corruption and the corrupt. Sixth, the achievement of the above calls for an immediate return to the table of comprehensive Palestinian national dialogue on the basis of the unified national programme approved in March 2004. This is the only way to mobilise and unify the potential of our people in the face of Israeli expansionist policies and belligerent schemes. We need to restructure the Palestinian political system on democratic grounds and eliminate corruption, narrow self-interest and the unjustified monopoly of decision-making. This time around we are not going to let anyone impose on us patchwork solutions or press on with misguided and random policies; policies that have caused nothing but grave damage to our people in the past. Our national cause is in danger and it is the duty of all the honourable members of our nation to fight this impending danger with deeds, not with words, not even sugarcoated ones. Partners in blood: let's be partners in decision- making.
