Who will prevail -- the old guard, new guard or some other guard? Writes Fatemah Farag, it's anyone's guess Coming out of its post-presidential daze, the press is filled with apprehension about the future, the upcoming parliamentary elections and the possibility that the so-called "new guard" of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) headed by Gamal Mubarak is in the process of paving its way towards total rule. "After the role played by the Policies Committee at the NDP (headed by Mubarak Jr) in formulating political and economic policy has become clear, arguments made to dispel the plan to pass the presidency on to Mubarak's son have become facetious," says Nabil Zaki in Al-Wafd on 26 September. And in an article considering ministerial options in the upcoming government, Al-Ghad on 21 September ran an article by Galal Ghandour and Amr Bayoumi in which they claim that Gamal Mubarak has a list of names that do not include Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Kamal El-Shazli, Ibrahim Suleiman, minister of housing, and Farouk Hosni, the minister of culture. "Many ministers and officials await decisions that will remove them from their posts... in the upcoming ministerial change. And after Gamal Mubarak has moved out from behind the curtain and starts the revolution of change, scenarios regarding whether this is the first stage in his rule of Egypt are back. But no one knows until now whether the correct name for Gamal's revolution is change or beautification. The ruling party is searching for alternatives to the old guard, the main characteristic of which was its loyalty to the president. And the new guard is most noteworthy for its loyalty to the son of the president," they said. Mahmoud El-Saqa in Al-Wafd on the same day points out that Gamal Mubarak's road to power is not strewn with flowers. "Gamal Mubarak has started to positively participate in policy-making and those working under his leadership have begun to lay a new brick for the new era -- a group now called the 'new guard'". But is the time ripe for this change, asks El-Saqa, who goes on to identify the main obstacles. The first is that the Egyptian society is showing signs of movement "on the street" which means that they are now decision-makers. The second obstacle is that Mubarak junior is not a product of society at large, not one of the people. Instead he "was brought up in the presidential palace... he has not been close to the people's pains and hopes, ambitions and concerns." Makram Mohamed Ahmed in Al-Musawwar magazine is not pessimistic regarding the ability of the fifth republic to bring in much needed change and reform. "However, the first condition towards implementing Mubarak's programme is that there be a different and disciplined government led by a strong prime minister with wide ranging authority who runs a government that acts like a team... the names don't matter and it might not be important that there be a partial or comprehensive ministerial change. What is more important is that there be strong will and clarity of vision." But Suleiman Gouda in Al-Masri Al-Youm says that all hopes were dashed in one blow by Speaker of the Shura Council Safwat El-Sherif when he announced that the upcoming parliamentary elections would follow the individual candidacy system. "Where then is the president's promise when campaigning that there will be a new electoral system more representative of the various political forces and parties in the upcoming parliamentary elections?" Gouda Abdel-Khaleq in Al-Ahali suggests that the problem with all the president's electoral promises is that his government simply is not qualified to make the changes necessary, while Gamal Badawi in Al-Wafd on 22 September explains that pessimism is not a personal feeling but one that stems from experience. He adds, "the upcoming electoral battle will be the most difficult witnessed by Egypt. It will not be between programmes and ideologies but between those with millions and those with piastres who talk about political reform and combating corruption." Hence, Hussein Abdel-Razeq argues that while there are differences between the three main legal opposition parties regarding the presidential elections -- Wafd broke rank and nominated Noaman Gomaa -- there must be total unity in the upcoming parliamentary poll. "There is no doubt the NDP will face challenges in the upcoming elections it did not experience before. This dictates that the opposition parties must enter these elections on the strength of real coordination and a clear identification of our enemies."
