Darfur is flush with foreign interference and factionalism, writes Gamal Nkrumah 2005 was by far one of the blackest years in the history of Darfur, but not necessarily of Sudan's. There were faint rays of hope and grounds for optimism. The Sudanese government and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) -- formerly the most powerful armed opposition group in southern Sudan -- signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in January 2005 and by August the two parties had formed a government of national unity. Tensions remain, however -- both between the groups individually and within the government. Peace is tentative at best in the south of the country; a host of problems relating to infrastructural reconstruction and the rehabilitation of a war-weary population remain. Thousands died horrible deaths in 2005 in Sudan -- 180,000 at least. Despite enormous reserves of oil, the southern Sudanese economy is in shambles. Moreover, the Sudanese government is battling with numerous other problems, both domestic and foreign. 2006, so far, has witnessed a deepening of the Darfur crisis. The people of Darfur could soon play a role in Sudanese high politics. The United States is spearheading an international campaign to bring Sudanese authorities to book for gross human rights abuses. The Sudanese authorities are fiercely fighting back, claiming that US criticisms amount to gross interference in the domestic affairs of a sovereign nation. No doubt what is really at stake -- Sudan's newfound oil wealth, how it is to be exploited and who profits from it. While oil is suspected of being the real bone of contention between Sudanese authorities and the West, officially it is political instability and armed conflict in the war-torn westernmost Sudanese province of Darfur that has brought matters to a head. The crisis in Darfur is a stark challenge for the Sudanese authorities to face. The crux of the matter is the deployment of United Nations troops instead of the 7,000-strong African Union (AU) force currently deployed in Darfur. The AU mandate expires 31 March. The United States is determined to penalise Sudan, a country it considers a rogue state and sponsor of terrorism. Sudanese authorities are on the warpath. As context, fresh allegations of flagrant human rights abuses abound. "Freedom of expression and association unfortunately continue to be abused by the national intelligence services and military intelligence," Sima Samar UN special rapporteur on Sudan stated this week. The high-ranking UN official added that detention and torture was especially prevalent in Darfur. Much uncertainty exists over what is going to happen in Sudan. The import of getting Sudan off the rocks is intensifying. Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Beshir and his government trumpet their defiance. Washington insists that NATO play a part in peace-keeping in Darfur. "I do see," NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer recently declared, "[NATO playing a role] in the enabling sphere and not with boots and troops on the ground." At least the West -- including Washington -- concurs with African governments, including Sudan's, that the deployment of non-African troops on the ground might inflame anti-Western sentiments in Africa and in the Arab and Muslim worlds. NATO's involvement in Darfur, therefore, is envisaged as primarily providing logistical support. The cash-strapped AU peace-keeping mission in Darfur is starved of funds, and under the cover of the UN, Western nations are offering financial assistance. Meanwhile, the Sudanese government claims that "foreign interference" is to blame for the faltering of peace talks in the Nigerian capital Abuja. A complicating factor, however, is internal divisions within the Darfur armed opposition groups -- and especially factional bickering and infighting inside the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA), the largest of these groups. On Monday, leaders of the SLA renounced Abdul-Wahed Mohamed Al-Nur, president of the group, who had hitherto headed the frequently stalled talks in Abuja. He promptly rejected the renunciation, declaring it null and void. The SLA nominated Khamis Abdullah Abakr tentatively until they elect a new leader at a congress to be convened in three months' time.
