Dictators masquerading as democrats hold back political liberty in Africa, writes Gamal Nkrumah Image is everything. Democracy has taken root in Africa. Multi-party political pluralism is thriving in many African countries, or so it seems, emerging as the paramount feature of African political developments. Barely a decade ago virtually the entire continent laboured under oppressive autocratic regimes -- many of them military. The changes between then and now amount to quite an upheaval in African politics. But compelling as the slogan of democracy is, not all African countries are moving democratically in the same direction -- or at the same pace. African politics is now suffused by big differences in the degree of democratic reform between various countries. The story of democracy in Africa, therefore, is not a uniform one. And "democracy" alone is no panacea for all the continent's ills. South Africa led the way. As the dust starts to settle, it is becoming increasingly apparent that while certain African countries have made giant strides towards political liberty, others have fallen behind reverting to old ways -- albeit still under the guise of "democratisation". Take Nigeria and Chad, for example. The chasm between the two neighbouring countries is enormous. Nigeria, in spite of a host of serious challenges, has witnessed a rapid transition towards democracy. Chad is seemingly headed in the opposite direction. Chadian President Idriss Deby, much to the consternation of opposition parties, amended the constitution so as to afford himself a third term in office. Predictably, he made a clean sweep at presidential polls on 3 May. Deby comfortably won two other presidential elections in 1996 and 2001. The United Front for Change (FUC) and a host of opposition groups sounded the alarm bells. The FUC took up arms against the Deby regime, describing the Chadian president's brand of democracy as a sham. Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, in sharp contrast, accepted a Senate vote against a third term bill. Obasanjo was at pains to stress that he would abide by the Senate's decision. "I was maligned, insulted and wrongly accused but I am what I am and I remained focussed," Obasanjo said. For decades military dictators who emptied the state coffers ruled Nigeria. Democracy is contagious, though. Many of Nigeria's smaller West African neighbours adopted multi-party democracy and Nigeria, the continent's political heavyweight, followed suit. Nigeria -- a country riddled with ethnic, tribal and religious tensions -- is a political powder keg. Some of Nigeria's 36 states are in turmoil -- the oil-rich Niger Delta region is aflame with a simmering insurgency. Nigerians are also noting anomalies arising from the fact that the country's rulers and contenders for the presidency are of military backgrounds. At least two former military leaders, Ibrahim Babangida and Muhammadu Buhari, are likely candidates, and Vice-President Atiku Abubakr may well emerge as a clear favourite. Babangida annulled elections in 1993 and Buhari overthrew a civilian president, Shehu Shagari, in a military coup d'état. Chadian presidential elections were far from historically portentous. Nigerian presidential elections promise to be an important pointer to the future of democracy not only in Nigeria, but also in Africa as a whole. Nigeria needs to come to terms with its past. Chad, on the other hand, has to look to its political future. Failure to confront the past is one of Nigeria's main political problems today. Actors from its recent era of military rule have come to dominate the post-military political scene. Generals have donned civilian garb. Not only has there never been a full accounting of the deeds of the generals who are now vying to run the country, the country's press, while asking many questions, is asking the wrong questions. None of this is helping the democratic cause in Africa. As for Chad -- a sprawling country of 10 million people almost the size of Alaska -- the central African country has an underdeveloped economy and one of the lowest standards of living in the world. Political power has been confined to the desert north and arid centre, home to Muslim, albeit predominantly non-Arab, tribes. The agriculturally rich but politically peripheral south is composed of mainly Christian ethnic groups. The Chadian people must be given a choice in who should govern them. People across Africa are tired of empty campaign promises. President Deby must prove himself to be a democrat in this third, and hopefully last, term in office. Yet Deby dare not allow examination, let alone criticism, of his mistakes. French troops provide logistical support to the Chadian armed forces loyal to Deby. The old school of African leaders responded to critics by having thugs beat them up. Unfortunately, Chad remains a case in point. The opposition cannot risk badmouthing Deby in public; they are forced to take up arms instead. Meanwhile, many Chadian government troops have defected to join the FUC's forces. Of the various unfinished tasks from his second term in office, buttressing democracy should be Deby's priority, especially that his democratic credentials are suspect and oil revenues pour into state coffers. A World Bank deal brokered in June 2000 to finance the construction of a pipeline for Chadian oil to neighbouring Cameroon's Atlantic Ocean ports stipulated in return that Chad was to spend 80 per cent of its oil revenues on education, health and social welfare projects. Deby spent the money on arms instead, the Word Bank suspending its loans and freezing Chadian bank accounts in retaliation. Does Chad stand to gain from such episodes? On the contrary, Chad is impoverished and the Chadian poor suffer. Deby's Patriotic Salvation Movement must not act as if it is operating in a one-party state. The model for Chad, as for other African nations, is the continent's most successful democracy, South Africa. The ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), has upheld, despite its overwhelming domination of the political scene, post-apartheid democratic traditions. The integrity of South Africa's political culture is such that after former South African Deputy President Jacob Zuma was acquitted on rape charges, following a much- publicised trial, he was able to retain his functions as the ANC's deputy head -- testament also of popular legitimacy enjoyed by South Africa's judicial structure. The South African experience points the way forward for a new democratic vitality in Africa, one based on substance not rhetoric.
