Can the Wafd Party live up to its promise, asks Shaden Shehab Leaders of the liberal Wafd Party promise that it is on the brink of once again playing a crucial role in Egypt's history. Quite how it plans to do so, though, has been subject to controversy. Under its new leader El-Sayed El-Badawi, the party says it will assume such a role by internal reforms, by political participation and building a greater presence in the street. Critics, however, say the Wafd intends to assume the mantle of opposition leadership only because it has the blessing of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). "Although the Wafd Party is developing a new image it cannot hope to regain the popularity it enjoyed before the 1952 Revolution," says political science professor Mustafa El-Sayed. The party was a major player in shaping Egypt's history between the two revolutions of 1919 and 1952. "At the time the Wafd was completely independent and democratic. It won popular support by championing a cause, the end of British occupation," El-Sayed points out. But after the party was re-launched in 1984 the political circumstances were completely different. "The re-launched Wafd failed to take a strong position on promoting democracy or opposing human rights violations. It remained silent during the Nasr Hamed Abu Zeid and Saadeddin Ibrahim cases. It has been more or less silent since." The problem is compounded by the fact that there is little to distinguish its economic or foreign policy from the NDP's. "For the Wafd to distinguish itself," argues El-Sayed, "it will have to convince the people that it really can promote and defend democratic principles. It must build on its past rather than just boast about it." Leading commentator Salama Ahmed Salama believes that the party may be on the road to revival after El-Badawi became chairman. "The Wafd Party is beginning to appeal to the public not just by preaching democracy but by applying it within the party, as clearly happened in the election of its chairman and the vote on whether to boycott the elections or not," says Salama. And the timing could not be better. People are desperate for a party that advocates democratic principles, he argues. They are fed up of the NDP and the Muslim Brotherhood being the only options. Unfortunately, says Salama, the purchase of the independent Al-Dostour and the subsequent firing of its firebrand chief editor has tarnished El-Badawi's reputation. "The biggest mistake was the Al-Dostour saga. Whether it was his decision or dictated by the NDP it was an own goal. It will take time to erase." Whereas Salama predicts that the Wafd will gain about 50 seats in the new parliament, El-Sayed thinks the figure will be much closer to 20 seats. They agree, however, that the results will reflect less the party's public appeal than the fact that circumstances are in Wafd's favour. "The NDP wants a façade of political pluralism and to replace most of the seats won by the Muslim Brotherhood in the last election with opposition MPs. The Wafd will take the lion's share because," says El-Sayed, "the NDP wants it to be the largest opposition bloc." Regardless of numbers, says Salama, the Wafd will have to demonstrate that at one of the most important junctures in Egypt's recent political history it can make a difference. If it fails to do so now, then it will have failed forever, and whatever dreams it entertains of becoming a real presence in the Egyptian street will have proved illusory.
