“There will be no final nuclear deal without direct US and Iranian bilateral talks,” former Iranian nuclear negotiator Seyed Hossein Mousavian told an audience at the New America Foundation in New York last week. While the negotiations between Iran and the P5+1 Group, the five permanent UN Security Council members plus Germany, over the country's controversial nuclear programme had become near to reaching a deal according to the timetable set for 20 July, suddenly the course shifted to mean that this may not now be possible. Two weeks ago, the Vienna meeting between Iran and the P5+1 ended unsuccessfully when the counterparts began to draft a final agreement. Iran, or, rather, the negotiating team, asked the Western delegations to meet more intensively before the interim deal deadline in order to look into possibilities of narrowing the gap between them in the month-and-a-half before July 20. Time is running out for Iran, and if it is not possible to reach a final agreement by the date agreed, the backup option is to extend the interim deal for another six months. Some major Arab nations have also been asking to get involved in the Iranian nuclear talks, but Iran has not welcomed their requests and has dismissed them. Regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia and other issues such as the war in Syria and Iran's support for Shia factions in the region and Saudi Arabia's sponsorship of Wahabism have all soured relations. Whether or not out of genuine concern, neighbouring countries have long expressed their fears of Iran's nuclear programme, seeing this as a way of putting pressure on the country. In reality, the Arab Gulf countries have not been happy to see the rise of Iran and its acceptance into the international community even if the nuclear file is solved peacefully with the West. At the same time, these countries know that further conflict in the region will jeopardise their economic growth and stability. This “in-between” policy, leading to constant fears of unknown outcomes, has led relations to become very tense, meaning that a solution to the nuclear issue is as important as improving relations with the Gulf Arab states for Iran and vice versa for its Arab neighbours. Iran may not have involved these neighbours in the nuclear talks, but at the same time without their support and pressure on the US to reach a deal, it would have been unlikely that the task would have been straightforward. Saudi Arabia, a major US ally in the region, has been complaining that members of Iran's new government, such as President Hassan Rouhani or Foreign Minister Mohamed Javad Zarif, have set aside the importance of visiting Riyadh. Almost a year has passed since the moderate government of Rouhani took office in Iran, and in spite of his aim to improve relations with the country's Arab neighbours, few steps have been taken so far. Iran has been keen to wrap up the nuclear issue before attending to other issues such as regional matters. Last week, Saudi Arabia announced that Zarif had been officially invited to attend the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) foreign ministerial meeting scheduled in Jeddah on the two days from 18 June. Observers say that the aim is to allow the two countries to exchange their points of view on regional matters such as Syria and Iran's nuclear programme. However, on Sunday Zarif said he could not take up the invitation to visit Saudi Arabia because the proposed dates clashed with the planned nuclear negotiations between Iran and the Western powers. “It is not possible for me to attend,” Zarif said, explaining that the event coincided with the nuclear talks. Iran has secured another round of meetings with the P5+1 Group in Vienna from 16-20 June after the failed meeting on May 20. Zarif and EU Foreign Policy Chief Catherine Ashton met in Turkey for two days of informal meetings last week, paving the way for another attempt at a formal meeting before the deadline. Meanwhile, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the UN nuclear watchdog, praised Iran on Monday for showing increased openness on its disputed nuclear programme but made clear that Tehran must do more to address questions about suspected research. “We are analysing the information provided by Iran,” Amano, the IAEA chief, said, adding that the organisation would provide an assessment of its investigation “in due course, after acquiring a good understanding of the whole picture.” In an attempt to welcome the changes in Iran, the emir of Kuwait, Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah, went to Tehran on 1 June for a two-day official visit following an invitation from Rouhani. Kuwait will have wanted to put differences behind the two countries behind them and open a new chapter in relations. Al-Sabah's visit is particularly important since this is the first by a ruler of Kuwait since the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979. If Iran is ready and sincere in limiting its nuclear programme, its neighbours believe that they should reciprocate by welcoming the regional changes and opening space for Iran to play a greater role in regional matters. This policy has begun with Kuwait, but there still can be “no final nuclear deal without direct US and Iranian talks,” as Mousavian has said. However, while direct talks with the US are important, reaching peace and gaining support from regional neighbours is important too. Keeping both channels open will help Iran to attain its aims.
