Libya plunged into armed turmoil Friday with the controversial military operation launched by retired General Khalifa Hafter that morning beneath the banner “Libyan dignity”. The retired general, at the head of the so-called “National Army”, has vowed to drive out militias and extremist elements that the state has been unable to bring under control, especially in Benghazi and Derna in eastern Libya. Over the weekend, battles claimed 75 dead and 141 wounded in Benghazi, Al-Bayda Al-Marj and Shahat, according to Libyan health authorities. Hafter declared that that “Operation Dignity” would continue until all the terrorists in Benghazi and the rest of eastern Libya were “flushed out”, adding that he refused to speak with terrorists. On Sunday, 18 May, the conflict spread westward into the Libyan capital where supporters of the Hafter drive, consisting of Al-Qaqa militia, the Sawaiq and Al-Madani Madni Brigades (which are based in the mountain city of Zintan to the southwest of Tripoli), and other tribal and civil forces in Tripoli, clashed with Islamists forces and their various militias. Because of the fighting, the General National Congress (GNC) had to postpone the session that was to be dedicated to deliberating the proposed cabinet formed by the recently elected new premier, Ahmed Maetig. At least four people were killed and more than 66 were wounded in the first 24 hours of fighting, which raged in various parts of the capital, including the vicinity of the GNC. The government has so far tried to remain neutral between Hifter, who proclaimed a war against terrorism, and the GNC, in which an Islamist majority opposed the retired general's drive against the bases of those they prefer to call hardliners. A minister in the interim government of acting Prime Minister Abdullah Al-Thinni said that the government was sympathetic to Hafter's drive but that it was in an awkward position because of the Islamist dominated GNC's manoeuvres to undermine the government's efforts to combat terrorism. The official, who spoke with Al-Ahram Weekly on condition of anonymity, added: “I personally hope that General Hafter's military operation against the extremists succeeds because this will further the government's efforts to restore security and rid the country of extremist groups.” According to the minister, certain members of the GNC were campaigning intensely to produce a GNC proclamation condemning Hafter's drive as an attempted coup against elected government institutions (namely the GNC) and declaring a war against what they termed a “counterrevolution” against the revolution of 17 February 2011.
GOVERNMENT INITIATIVE: On Monday, 19 May, the government moved to mend the rift between Libyan factions and resolve the conflict peacefully. In an initiative published on its official website it appealed to all parties to abide by the August 2011 Constitutional Declaration and to safeguard the institutions it established. It called for a revote on Prime Minister Ahmed Maetig to be conducted this time in an open section through secret ballot. In the event that the GNC failed to do this, the current acting government would remain in power until the next parliamentary elections are held. After ratifying the 2014 national budget, the GNC must go into obligatory recess until parliamentary elections and the handover of power to the next elected legislative authority. The interim government will resign in its entirety on the occasion of the inaugural session of the new parliament. The government has also formed a ministerial committee to speak with all the militia groups in order to reach a national consensus based on the rejection of recourse to arms among the people of the same nation. In view of the sensitivity and gravity of the current situation, the government stressed that the decisions and assignments of the supreme commander and chief of staffs of the armed forces should only be carried out after consultation and agreement with the government, in view of the dangerous repercussions they could have on the delicate situation in the country. In its statement, the government “confirmed its support for the military establishment, the security agencies and the police, and its solidarity with the commissioned and non-commissioned officers and the conscripts of these institutions. It condemns the acts of murder and assassination to which they have been subjected and pledges to promote the ability of these institutions to carry out all their duties. The government also affirms its lasting determination to support the real revolutionaries in Libya's cities and to support and assist the Constituent Assembly charged with drafting the constitution. The government will offer its full support to the Supreme Electoral Commission and work with it to hold the next electoral polls for parliament as soon as possible.” The government initiative appealed “to all members of the Libyan people, regardless of class, ideological orientation and political affiliation, to adhere to national unity, prohibit the shedding of Libyan blood and criminalise assaults against the institutions of government, and to cooperate with the government in order to overcome this difficult phase.” It concluded by urging the GNC to respond to the initiative as soon as possible in the interests of the welfare of the nation. The evolution of Hafter's political profile and drive is clearly indicative of a broadening level of public acceptance of firmer action to remedy the deteriorating state of security in the country. For example, in February, when Hafter protested the GNC's extension of its term and called for a freeze to its and the government's activities, he was unable to generate nearly as much support as he has today. Still, if his drive to bring the security situation under control is to succeed he will have to persuade more parties capable of influencing the security/militia balances to join his side against what he calls the terrorists and their allies in Libya. His forces alone will be unable to score a definitive victory. He will, therefore, need to expand his scope of alliances in order to counter the Islamist and extremist factions that work together at many levels, from the GNC to militia formations. Hafter's military formations — the Sawaeq, Madani and Qaqa brigades — are part of the Libyan army. They surrounded the Islamist dominated GNC on Sunday and declared it dissolved Monday, 19 May. They called on the elected Committee of 60 (the Constituent Assembly) to complete the constitution and undertake legislative responsibilities in the narrowest possible scope, and they asked the interim government of Abdullah Al-Thinni to remain in power in a caretaker capacity.
THE MAP OF CONFLICT AND CONFLICTING PARTIES: The lines of conflict in the east are somewhat blurred due to the differences between the various parties in their outlooks and assessments on the security situation and the question of the war on terrorism. Nevertheless, Hifter's operation has cast into relief three sides to the conflict that has been unfolding in Benghazi, Derna and elsewhere in Cyrenaica. These are:
HAFTER'S FORCES: General Khalifa Hafter's brigades include among their ranks former Libyan army officers who had fought, under his command, in the Libyan-Chadian war in the 1980s. After the revolution, these officers found themselves accused as “remnants” of the Gaddafi regime for which reason they were excluded in the process of the reconstruction of the Libyan army. For the same reason, they became “legitimate” targets for extremist groups eager to settle old scores with affiliates of the Gaddafi regime. Therefore, the fight for survival is most likely one of the chief forces that motivated these officers into joining ranks with their former commander in his drive to rid the country of terrorists. Hafter also persuaded two military formations into joining his ranks: the Hussein Al-Jaweifi Brigade, the largest military regiment in the east, and the Awliya Al-Damm Brigade, many of the members of which had been assassinated in the terrorist attacks that had proliferated due to the absence or inefficacy of security forces. In addition to such military contingents, Hafter also brought aboard his war on terrorism leaders from the major Libyan tribes in the area, such as Al-Obeidat, Al-Baraesa, Al-Awaqir and Al-Urfa. He can also count on the support of large segments of the urban populations in Benghazi, Derna and other cities that have been the victims of the security breakdown in the east. Additional political backing comes from the leaders of the federalist drive that is campaigning for greater regional autonomy for Cyrenaica.
EXTREMIST FORCES: The forces targeted by the Hafter-led operation consist primarily of the Ansar Al-Sharia organisation, the Martyrs of 17 February Brigade, the Rafallah Al-Sahati Brigade and other Al-Qaeda affiliated groups in Derna and Benghazi, such as the Islamic Shura Army in Derna. Derna, in particular, has become a stronghold for Islamist extremist groups that reject the concept of a modern democratic state in Libya. Late last year, the US entered Ansar Al-Sharia on its list of terrorist organisations. Washington holds at least 15 leaders of this group responsible for the attack on the US Consulate in Benghazi on 11 September 2012. Foremost among them are Mohammed Al-Zahawi and Ahmed Abu Khatala. Many Ansar Al-Sharia members currently reside in Al-Leithi district of Benghazi, now widely referred to in Libya as “Kandahar”. The Libyan government had held off from openly holding a specific group responsible for any of the terrorist attacks that have struck the country since the revolution. It was therefore a noteworthy precedent when it blamed Ansar Al-Sharia for the assault on the Security Directorate building in Benghazi on 2 May that killed and wounded numerous soldiers and officers from the armed forces and the police. Following the attack, security forces arrested a number of Ansar Al-Sharia members, in response to which the organisation kidnapped a number of security personnel to use as bargaining chips to secure the release of its imprisoned members. One such kidnapping operation took place a few days before General Hafter launched “Operation Dignity”. The Martyrs of 17 February and the Rafallah Al-Sahati brigades are known to be closely connected to the Libyan chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood. One of these triggered public outrage last week when its members opened fire on demonstrators who demanded that the militia hand over its premises to the government. On 15 May, the Libyan Chief of General Staffs gave the militia 72 hours to vacate its premises, but the militia did not comply with the order. The militia members have come under increasing censure from various quarters for human rights abuses and other illegal acts. A number of extremist groups have surfaced in the country recently and declared that they would not submit to a government they describe as “heretic”. Foremost among them is the Islamic Shura Army based in Derna. It became notorious last month when its members brandished their arms in a military parade in the city and its Facebook page issued a defiant challenge to the government. Another group, calling itself the Army of Arbitration of the Religion, has recently broadcast a video clip on the Internet in which it claimed responsibility for an attack against the army's 21st Commando Brigade in early May.
GOVERNMENT FORCES: In addition to the police, central security forces and security support forces of the Benghazi security directorate, government forces consist of the “commando forces” under the command of Colonel Wanis Boukhamada, a unit of the Libyan armed forces, and the forces of the Joint Security Chamber, a 6,000 member strong army consisting of a combination of revolutionaries and army and police soldiers. Government forces appear to have their hands tied in the current confrontation in the east primarily because authorities in the GNC and the interim government are at odds over how to address the mounting challenges that have plagued the country during the interim period. These forces are also hampered by the loose loyalties of many of the members of the official security agencies and by conflicting orders coming from the government authorities. In addition to the conflicts and tensions between the interim government and GNC, the GNC itself is riddled with rifts between its various blocs, and the same applies to the relationship between the Ministry of Defence and the Office of the Chief of General Staffs of the Libyan Army. In western Libya where tribal conflicts appear to be more prevalent than the conflicts with extremists, the militias based in Zintan appear to be the secularists' chief striking force against the Islamists. These militias are among the strongest supporters of the Hafter campaign because they, too, are among the political forces that protested the GNC's decision to extend its term, which had been officially due to end 7 February.
THE GOVERNMENT POSITION: It is impossible to understand the government's position on retired General Khalifa Hafter and his military campaign against Islamist extremists in Benghazi and Derna without taking into consideration the stances and actions of the GNC, until its premises were surrounded by commando forces and its president, Nouri Abu Sahmain, was put under arrest. Apparently the Islamist forces in the GNC, which had succeeded in securing the resignation of Prime Minister Ali Zeidan in March, were still feeling the flush of that victory. Numerous previous attempts to oust him had failed and it was not until the crisis surrounding the oil tanker Morning Glory in early March that they were able to generate enough support for a no-confidence vote. Defence Minister Abdullah Al-Thinni was charged with forming a caretaker government. However, he took them by surprise with this Ghat statement, declaring the government's resolve to combat terrorism. The Islamists, many of whom were disturbed by this statement for various reasons, immediately began to mobilise pressure to force Al-Thinni to resign. As the situation in Libya currently stands, it appears that Hafter's military campaign will continue for several more days, at least in view of the stiff resistance it is encountering from targeted groups.
