Egypt is once more doing things in its own unique way. After millions of Egyptians went into the streets and in 18 days that shook the world succeeded in toppling the regime of Hosni Mubarak after 30 years of rule, they came back again in their millions into the squares of Egypt and toppled Mohamed Morsi after one year of rule. Mohamed Morsi was Egypt's first elected civilian president, propelled to power in free and fair elections organised by post-Mubarak military rulers after 18 months of transitional governance. The people rejoiced in the election and the handover of power from the military to Morsi on 1 July 2012. They backed him in his bid to assert civilian leadership over the military. But soon, through a series of ill-advised actions, the Morsi government seemed to most Egyptians more intent on serving the interests of the Muslim Brotherhood than on bringing the country together. The Muslim Brotherhood, and the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) it created, alienated all political factions in Egypt, even Islamists in the Salafist movement who largely share their vision of an Islamic Egypt. Feeling blocked in their desire to change course, and some even feeling betrayed by the narrow agenda of the ruling Muslim Brotherhood and FJP elite, the people felt obliged to resort to this democratic and largely peaceful tactic of collecting signatures and coming out in peaceful protest. Despite spurts of violence and the likely continuation of strife in the short term, we all hope that we will move on to create a real, inclusive and properly functioning democracy, and open a new era for Egypt and its people.
HISTORICAL PRECEDENT: About 100 years ago, in late 1918, Egyptian nationalist leaders led by Saad Zaghloul wanted to present Egypt's case for independence from British occupation to the Versailles Conference at the end of World War I. They proved to the British their legitimacy by getting hundreds of thousands individually signed statements deputising them to represent Egypt. Egypt's people had spoken clearly and democratically. The British ignored this mandate and exiled Saad Zaghloul and his colleagues to Malta. The public took to the streets, followed by widespread civil disobedience and ultimately the British had to back down. They brought back Zaghloul and his colleagues, recognised Egypt's independence in 1922, and Egypt started its 30 years' experience of liberal multi-party democracy with the 1923 constitution.
THE REVOLUTION GETS ITS SECOND WIND: The revolution of 25 January 2011 was beautiful and peaceful. But to many who participated in it, the events following the revolution did not deliver on its promise. This time Egyptians are determined to see a “mid-course correction” and give the revolutionary spirit its second wind. Despite efforts at intimidation by Islamists, including big demonstrations on 28 June, and their blaring TV channels warning that anyone who opposed President Morsi would be deemed apostate and should be killed, and other such tactics, the people stayed on course and came out in their millions for these days that were not “days of rage” but very largely “days of peaceful protest” where the nation came together and showed a certain moral grandeur. Incidentally, the Morsi-appointed Islamist minister of culture was waging an all-out war on the artists and intellectuals, who retaliated by blockading his office and holding performances in the street outside, as the Opera was closed, ballet was banned and the heads of the National Library and Archives, the Conservatory of Music and the High Council for Culture were all dismissed, and their staffs went on strike (against the minister). The Bibliotheca Alexandrina was probably the only public cultural institution to remain open and functioning more or less normally, without any interference. And again, even without any human chains around it, no one threw a stone at it. Actually this time, no police or public buildings were targeted. Over the last few months, the targets were the headquarters of the Muslim Brotherhood and the offices of its political party, the FJP. Many were attacked and burned by a number of rioters. Later on the police found stashes of weapons in some of those party headquarters, and at the Muslim Brotherhood's own central headquarters, which they claimed were for self-defence. The army, after having asked the president several times to seriously search for common ground, and getting in return only a “No compromise” and “I am the boss” speech, and seeing the will of the people expressed in individual signed statements by ordinary citizens and the enormous crowds estimated at somewhere upwards of 20 million in all of Egypt, rejected the “No compromise” line of the president and working with the leaders of all national groups deposed him. The head of the Supreme Constitutional Court of Egypt, the Coptic pope and sheikh of Al-Azhar, the Salafist Nour Party, Mohamed Al-Baradei, and representatives of other movements, drafted the communiqué together with the army leaders, and they were all there for its reading, and spoke immediately after on television.
THIS WAS NO COUP: President Morsi's followers claimed that what happened was a coup d'état by the military against an elected civilian leader, and called on outsiders to respond accordingly. But this was no coup. There was no small group of conspirators. There was no secrecy. The army simply aligned itself with the will of the overwhelming majority of the people who refused to be intimidated by the threats of the Muslim Brotherhood and the FJP and came out into the streets on the appointed day of 30 June regardless. Here are two definitions of a coup d'état: - “A sudden decisive exercise of force in politics; especially: the violent overthrow or alteration of an existing government by a small group.” — Merriam Webster - (French: “stroke of state”) “Sudden overthrow, often violent, of an existing government by a group of conspirators … Their success depends on surprise and speed.” — Concise Encyclopaedia In what way does either even remotely describe what happened in Egypt? Starting several months ago with a public campaign by youthful activists under the slogan “Tamarod” (Rebel), tens of millions of people said they wanted Morsi to step down and that they would express themselves peacefully by collecting signatures (some 22 million signatures were collected) of individual Egyptians to say so, and they would enter into public space (not just Tahrir Square) on 30 June to prove their point. And come they did. In millions.
A CAN OF TUNA: I was discussing with one of the demonstrators and asked him about what he thought of the fact that Morsi became president through legal and fair elections and still had time on his term. In one of those simple, direct expressions of powerful folk wisdom, he said to me: “So I bought a can of tuna. I opened it and the tuna was rotten. Do you think I should eat it?” Another said to me: “They have done enough damage in one year, and I am not going to wait to see how much more damage they can cause in three more years.” A third (an intellectual) said to me: “So what? Hitler came with free elections. If the Germans had deposed him and his Nazis after one year, the world would have been a much better place.” A fourth said: “We are the ones who voted him in, and now we are telling him to step down.” A fifth, also an intellectual, said to me: “By definition, the legitimacy of the ruler is based on the consent of the governed. Periodic elections are a means to ensure that consent is regularly expressed. He has lost the consent of the governed. They have overwhelmingly expressed their will. He should just go.” A sixth said: “Yes elections, but not one man, one vote, and only one time.” The message of the protesters was clear, and I think that the “can of tuna” idea sums it up best.
OVERVIEW: This was a spectacular revolution that no one — repeat: no one — has seen the likes of. Bigger and larger than the crowds that ended the Mubarak regime, this movement, organised (again) by unknown youthful leaders, mobilised all of Egypt. The movement drew its legitimacy from individual papers signed by millions and millions of individual citizens. And on the date of the rendezvous, 30 June, the crowds were in every city, and the Muslim Brotherhood and their supporters could only marshal two relatively small crowds in two squares in Cairo after bringing their followers in by bus from all the provinces. This was an unprecedented display of “people power” in largely peaceful demonstrations, holding up national flags and demands for freedom and democracy, and today, no one can say anymore (as they tried to say after the Mubarak ouster) that the huge crowds were only due to the Islamists joining the revolution. This was no “coup”. The judges and lawyers, the army, the police, the religious leaders, including both the Coptic Pope and the Sheikh Al-Azhar (representing Sunni Muslims), civil society and most of the parties, except the FJP, as well as the artists and intellectuals, and the vast majority of journalists in the media simply rejected the Islamists and their plans for an Islamic state. And the people of Egypt refused to wait another three years to say so. Once more, the army refused to fire on the people, and this time refused to allow any private militias to do so either. This was no coup. This was the Egyptian revolution getting its second wind, correcting its path and ensuring a new birth of freedom on this ancient land. We can only hope that this time, we all take the time to draft a proper constitution first, and then proceed to new elections in the light of that constitution, rather than rushing to new elections while still contesting the current constitution and the way it was “rammed through”. We can only hope that supporters of the deposed president do not resort to violence to try to turn back the clock. It is also time that all — repeat: all — Egyptians come together in national reconciliation and work together for a better future. But whatever happens, it is clear that having taken matters into their own hands twice, the Egyptian people are not willing to let anyone ignore their wishes anymore. The actions of every Egyptian in these crowds today exemplify the words of Henley's “Invictus”:
It matters not how strait the gate, How charged with punishments the scroll, I am the master of my fate: I am the captain of my soul.
The writer is director of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina.
