Turmoil in Gaza and dissatisfaction with the pace of political reform made the headlines, write Gamal Nkrumah and Mohamed El-Sayed The tragic events in Gaza hit the headlines hard. Opinion was divided between those who applauded the government's efforts of mediating between Hamas and Fatah. Others were far more harsh in their criticism of the government's stance and rather suspicious of its motives. Magdi Mehana, writing in the daily independent Al-Masry Al-Yom, did not mince his words. "If both Hamas and Fatah are erroneous, then why is the Egyptian regime supporting Fatah and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas?" pondered Mehana. "There is more than one reason for the curious Egyptian position. First, Egypt will not allow the establishment of an Islamic theocracy on its very border," Mehana extrapolated. "Hamas," he explained, "has close ties with Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood." Mehana elucidated further. "The Palestinian, Egyptian, American file -- the so-called peace process -- is basically a security file. Third, corrupt regimes cooperate and collaborate." The "corrupt regime" in Egypt has to defend an even more corrupt regime in the occupied territories. "And, it is in the Egyptian regime's best interests that it continues playing the role of mediator in the peace process despite the fact that there is no real meaning to the so- called peace process which is an American-Israeli game with Egyptian-Jordanian partners." On the domestic front, Amr Elchoubaki, also writing in Al-Masry Al-Yom, tackled the prickly issue of the Shura Council elections in which the National Democratic Party (NDP) achieved a sweeping victory. Elchoubaki was equally caustic. "The Shura elections reflected the magnitude of the deterioration in the electoral process in Egypt. Also, it reflected the government's failure to conduct an election with the minimum of fairness and transparency." Elchoubaki left no stones unturned. "The government has failed in running an election that would have changed nothing in the Shura Council. It was unable to give us the opportunity to even elect one of its two competing candidates fairly. As usual, it didn't, and will not, give us this opportunity." Meanwhile, in much the same vein, Amr Badr, writing in the weekly independent Al-Dostour, was scathing about the national newspapers' coverage of the Shura Council elections. "The media around the world spoke about the irregularities and vote rigging that marred the Shura Council elections. However, our national newspapers seemed to [paint a rosy picture] of elections that took place on Mars or another planet," he remarked, tongue in cheek. "While news reports spoke about vote rigging, thuggery, police intervention, killing, detention [of opposition candidates], denying access for candidates' representatives and ballot box stuffing, our national newspapers were speaking about the transparency and evenhandedness of the elections process." The daily liberal-leaning Nahdet Masr raised the question: "What after rigging the Shura Council elections?" Hussein Abdel-Razeq, senior member of the leftist Tagammu Party, which won a single seat during the elections, was quoted as saying. "The vote rigging [that was widespread in the elections] proved that the opposition parties' rejection of the constitutional changes was right." Hazem Munir, editor-in-chief of the weekly business newspaper Al-Mal, seemed to have despaired of the whole political reform process. He argued that citizens do not need democracy. "Any fair-minded observer can see that there is not only no demand for democracy but there is no interest in any political activity whatsoever. [All what people want] is to meet their simple daily needs like food and other basic necessities." As he progressed further in his theme, Munir was even more poignant. "Any foolish democracy activist should stop such meaningless pastimes. For, according to governmental media, the people had their say [in the elections], and there is nothing beyond the people's will. And whether the people practiced their rights [in the elections] or the NDP practiced these rights on their behalf and the people didn't lift a finger, the important thing, in both cases, is that the people accepted and didn't do anything." He naturally put the blame of inaction squarely on the ordinary citizen. "And therefore, all liberal revolutionists should find something else to busy themselves with, for the NDP harbours no intention to implement democratic reforms, nor can the people be led towards achieving these reforms, as there is no deep-rooted democratic values implanted in this submissive society." The writer advised liberal activists to flee the country "instead of being caught between the NDP and the masses that are moved only by religious verdicts rather than political [activism]". Munir's conclusion was acrimonious. "Save your life and concentrate on your work, or find a job abroad and immigrate if you are still yearning for democracy." While the daily national newspapers celebrated President Hosni Mubarak's signing of a much debated law to increase the basic salaries of teachers, opposition papers ridiculed the move. The increase, according to many papers, is peanuts -- around LE300 monthly. "[Mubarak] honoured his promise in a national scene," ran the headline of the daily pro-government Rose El-Youssef. The newspaper quoted the president as saying: "the teachers' salaries law came in recognition of the [vital] role of teachers, and it is not just an increase in salaries." "One million teachers, who are responsible for five million citizens, will benefit from the new law," wrote Karam Gabr in Rose El-Youssef. "Teachers now have a senior [social] position that is distinguished from the rest of civil servants." On a less upbeat note, Makram Mohamed Ahmed, writing in the daily Al-Ahram, was dismissive about the changes that have taken place in the values in Egyptian society. "The main feature that distinguished the Egyptian elite who made great progress in the arts and sciences throughout the last century and made Egypt a powerhouse was that it consisted of a blend of social and cultural classes. It was the children of peasants and labourers and the middle classes that made Egypt a pioneer in several spheres. Now, however, every [social] class is locking its doors [in the face of other classes]. Society is now imposing an embargo on social mobility." Ahmed reminded his readers that those in senior positions should ponder where they hail from. They should contemplate their roots and live and let live.
