How to avoid botching the second transitional phase

Egypt's current crisis is rooted in mistakes, at times fatal, that were committed during the first transitional phase following the great people's revolution in January 2011

It appears that the second transitional phase – which began after 30 June – is already beginning to stumble, threatening to intensify civil strife in Egypt and push the nation to the edge of a destructive civil war.
As expected in complex historic moments, blame cannot be cast on only one party or be confined to a single incident. It is not true that the so-called 'Islamist right' – and I am purposely not just naming the Brotherhood – is committed to peaceful protest against what it views as a political shortfall. If the Islamist right genuinely and firmly advocated peaceful means, it would have regained respect as a political faction that should be welcomed in Egypt's political life, on the condition that it rejects violence and does not trade on religion.
Just as the Islamist right trades on religion, it also trades on peaceful protest – which it routinely proclaims but always betrays. But this is nothing new. We should not pre-empt judicial investigations, but I will cite several documented incidents of barbaric violence by the followers of this current. This includes throwing minors from the top of buildings, arresting members, attending supposedly peaceful demonstrations armed with helmets, weapons, explosives, and storing stockpiles of various weapons and explosives at leaders' offices.
The Islamist right also fans the flames of strife and flagrantly incites violence from the podiums of supposedly peaceful demonstrations. This shameless advocacy of violence is not limited to Brotherhood followers, but includes other factions in this current who supposedly contributed to the National Alliance that sponsored the roadmap declared by the Armed Forces on 3 July.
It now appears that this contribution was not entirely in good faith for the sake of God and country, but more likely a power grab after they felt Brotherhood rule was over. Signs of this assumption are obvious, such when they vetoed prime minister candidates without committing to participate in the cabinet or national reconciliation.
Meanwhile, their supporters continued to attend the Caliphate of Evil's sit-in at Rabaa Al-Adawiya, as well as the rallies creeping from the sit-in, to stir trouble and harass innocent citizens. This angered the public majority and resulted in clashes after the rallies blocked roads and disturbed the peace. The leaders of the Islamist right and their misguided followers must understand this assault is a serious stab at what little public sympathy remains for them, and logically they should cease these self-destructive and publicly disruptive actions.
The Islamist right's abandonment of peaceful means has reached dangerous levels in the frequent armed attacks on security targets in Sinai, which sometimes involve advanced weapons, and in the planting of an explosive device next to Mansoura's security headquarters last week.
Thus, sacred and precious Egyptian blood continues to spill irrespective of affiliation, and this is on the hands of those leading the interim phase in addition to the Islamist right which falsely claims to be peaceful. The interim leadership has not stepped up to its responsibility. This is perhaps because it is too interested in the appearance of national reconciliation, especially after the presidency succumbed to blackmail by Salafists regarding the content of the constitutional declaration and the prime minister's selection.
Meanwhile, the motherland is ablaze and no one is putting out the fires, especially those in the executive branch. It appears as though the interim cabinet is sitting in air conditioned offices governing an imaginary country inherited from the ousted government of the Islamist right. All this without actually realising the imminent crises and raging fires surrounding the country and people, and without doing anything about them.
My biggest disappointment has been with the interior ministry and other security agencies that did not keep their promise of protecting peaceful demonstrations, which required speedy – if not pre-emptive – exposure of manipulators and violators, and promptly putting them on trial.
My disappointment in the executive branch also extends to the Ministry of Transitional Justice and National Conciliation, which I was enthusiastic about at its inception. The newly-founded justice ministry may be forgiven – if only partially – because of the late appointment of its minister.
Continued ambiguity about the legal status of the deposed president and those undermining public order, as well the lag in prosecuting them, further fuels the blaze triggered by the decisions taken on 3 July. Those in power, through slow action and complacency, have let the fire rage and the domestic scene become more perilous, as foreign relations complicate. This has forced military leaders to take initiative – albeit late – and perhaps unsuccessfully.
I was overseas when defence minister El-Sisi called on the people to take to the streets and give him a mandate to combat violence and terrorism. I must admit my preference was – and remains – that he should not urge for mass demonstrations, especially on a day when the Islamist right had called for protests to mark the anniversary of the Battle of Badr, as if – in a hapless parallel – they were waging war against infidel opponents.
General El-Sisi had intelligence about a looming danger, which he cited without giving further detail. I believe that if he had this information, action to protect the country should not require a new mandate for him or for the transitional government: strike decisively, quickly and with resolve against those sabotaging the security of the nation through cowardly terrorism. At the same time, completely abide by the law, civil and political rights, and prosecute violators via prompt and fair trials. I believe this is the ultimate task of the executive branch, especially the ministry of justice, in this critical transitional phase.
The above is what should have been carried out to avoid botching the second transitional phase after the executive branch and the Islamist right failed to live up to their national duty. Now that matters have come to a head, and hundreds have been killed or injured during clashes in Cairo, Alexandria and elsewhere, it is inevitable that a firm position will be taken with all parties.
Although it is clear that some protestors are not peaceful, it is puzzling that violence and injuries only occur at protests supporting the Islamist right, but none at mass demonstrations authorising those in power to combat terrorism. The only logical explanation is that either supporters of the so-called Islamist right are not peaceful or that security forces do not exercise disciplined self-control.
Irrespective of accusations exchanged in the media, which is not always impartial, the following is needed to guard the transitional phase: First, interim powers must once again advocate the right to peaceful protest and strike. Second, a judicial investigation commission into the events of 26 July should be formed and promptly announce its findings. Third, expediate judicial measures should be taken against those who have broken the law or violated their official duties, while still protecting their rights.
Finally, we should expedite all stages of the second transitional phase to finalise the legal and institutional foundation of a civil democratic state – the ultimate goal of the great people's revolution.
http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/78027.aspx