On the sectarian crisis and other matters

The Arab world's top political commentator returns to the newspaper he had once led to international renown, urging an end to confusion over state authority

This crisis needs to be handled with the fullest integrity because it goes beyond sectarian strife.
It is true that there is a sectarian element to the crisis, rooted in causes which we have long neglected coming to grips with, just as we neglected dealing with the issue of the water of the Nile. The two distinct issues have in common the fact that the one impinges on the life of the nation, and the other on its safety. And because of this, the two problems have become that much more complex, indeed almost insoluble, due to lack of understanding, or a dearth of will.
Many have discussed the problems of sectarianism at length, providing reassurances, analyses and suggestion. The former regime had a great many opportunities to resolve it, but these were casually squandered, just as so many other opportunities were squandered in so many other domains. Indeed, all of the problems and crises the nation is facing at this moment could take on much more serious ramifications, if the confusion over the exercise of state authority persists. There is an urgent need for a swift solution for this, which we might sum up in two points:
First, history has taught us that a state of chaos goes hand in hand with revolution, wherein the society is undergoing fundamental changes. In our case, and for a great many reasons, we have seen the forces of the revolution stepping back to give change a chance, even as the forces of chaos rushed in to exploit the chances provided by change. And what with the persistence of remnants of the old regime, with convicts deliberately let out of jails, outpourings of elements of extremism in religious garb, of unmet basic needs, of corruption exposed daily on the front pages of newspapers and via radio waves and TV screens – all which intertwine to produce a state of anxiety seeking points of vulnerability to escape through. This is all taking place amidst a dangerous and blood-soaked regional climate, surrounded by an apprehensive, agitated world. Secondly, at such a time when the nation is in dire need of rhythm setter, guiding political performance, state authority in Egypt is faced with dilemma, the components of which may be summed up in the following:
Decision making lies in the hands of the Military Council, trusted, but is exercising management, without visibility.
The execution of decisions, on the other hand, is undertaken by the cabinet, which includes a large number of respected figures, but it is visible without managing.
At the same time, the coercive force of the state, which provides the ultimate foundation of stability, order and decision, is hanging upon a police force which, for the time being, is incapable, and an armed forces, which – rightly – is without jurisdiction.
As such the field is open for great yawning gaps. Frankly, this is the foremost issue that must be dealt with, confronted and treated. Not just for the sake of effectively dealing with the sectarian problem, but with a host of other issues.
The lines of authority must be clearly delineated and underlined, and so must the sources and mechanisms of power, decision making, implementation and ensuring respect for the law. TThis is especially important in a state of transition, for transition implies laying the foundations for what comes next. It is not a deferral to a tomorrow whose authority is yet to make an appearance.