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Learning to live together
Published in Bikya Masr on 30 - 04 - 2010

TEL AVIV: Rioting in Jerusalem has illuminated the tenuous state of Jewish-Arab relations in Israel. The popular misconception is that this issue is an isolated incident resulting from the opening of a new synagogue. If we can extrapolate anything from recent unrest, it is that the “Rage Day” events and the demonstrations in Sakhnin are a logical trend representing the steadily deteriorating relationship between Arabs and Jews in Israel.
Polls have shown that almost half of Israeli Jewish high school students don’t believe that Arabs should have the same rights as Jews, and a report released recently indicates a 28 percent rise in racist incidents in 2009. On the other hand, moderate Arab elements within Israeli society have joined the fray. We have seen bulldozer attacks, foiled attempts by Arab citizens at abetting terrorism and glorification of Israel’s enemies. Whether Israel’s Arab citizens are being hijacked by an extreme political movement or are being pushed by a hostile majority is uncertain, but this phenomenon will certainly jeopardize the state’s internal stability.
However, there are ways to reverse this trend and create a society where conflict and hatred do not come so naturally. Israel recently decided to invest NIS 800 million (roughly $220 million) into a stimulus package for Arab, Druze and Circassian communities. Unfortunately, this outstanding initiative leaves out the educational component. As the source of cultural development, education is the arena in which youth can be moulded and influenced for the better.
“Coexistence Education”, according to Daniel Bar-Tal, is the “process through which society members acquire the beliefs, attitudes and behaviors that are in line with the ideas of coexistence”. Coexistence vis-à -vis Israel is defined as two geopolitical groups living together peacefully without hostility despite differences. Coexistence generally has come to represent a political process preceding integration in multicultural societies prone to conflict. Unfortunately, as Bar-Tal illustrates, the longer the process lasts in Israel, the more it will be discredited by the Arab sector as it is perceived as a means of “eternalizing Jewish dominance and discrimination over the Arab population”.
Coexistence itself does not guarantee full equality and rights, which are prerequisites in modern democracies. Nonetheless, it does represent an urgent step that will one day lead to an integrated and therefore stable society. Therefore, Israel must commit to a comprehensive coexistence education policy. Such a policy would allow civil society professionals to develop a course of action that the government could later institutionalize.
In order to initiate educational reforms it is incumbent upon the political leadership to commit to both symbolic and practical policy measures. For example, the government takes certain actions that “recognize” the importance of issues. These are symbolic policy initiatives—like the appointment of an Arab minister or establishing a committee that explores pedagogical methodologies for coexistence education. On the other hand, balancing the budget in the education system, the aforementioned stimulus package and actually implementing recommendations of said committee are examples of practical policy steps.
The Public Committee for Coexistence Education (a group comprised of professors and civil society professionals), was established by former Education Minister Yuli Tamir with the purpose of making informed and educated recommendations regarding coexistence education policy in Israel. When Gideon Sa’ar entered office, he decided to cease the activity of the committee. Even if the recommendations of the committee are not implemented, squashing it only closes doors unnecessarily. Reviving the public committee and its work is a nominal political move that could become a realistic policy plan. This is an example of a negative symbolic step that should be reversed in order to demonstrate that Israel is working toward creating a shared society.
The current administration must also explore cooperation opportunities between civil society and government. Municipalities and the Ministry of Education could initially “outsource” coexistence education programs to professionals in the field. For example, The Abraham Fund Initiatives works closely with the Ministry of Education and local municipalities to promote the teaching of Arabic in elementary schools throughout the country. This program has been proven by independent evaluators to combat racism and negative stereotypes amongst Jewish children. Peace Players International uses the game of basketball to unite and educate Arab and Jewish youth, subsidizing extracurricular sports programs that build life skills and change negative perceptions.
Although these are but two examples, any coexistence curriculum with the “mandatory” stamp from the Ministry of Education would serve as a positive indication of practical efforts by the government.
Support from the political leadership is the most important factor in easing minority-majority tensions in Israel. Without it, the system will continue to support an environment of hatred and racism to flourish. Political acknowledgment of the importance of coexistence education followed by practical policy steps for its implementation would commence the reversal of the negative trend that plagues Israeli society. Ultimately, the future and stability of Israel depends on a shared society and the next generation must be educated accordingly.
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* Josh Simon writes for Ynetnews. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) with permission from Ynetnews.
Source: Ynetnews, 14 April 2010, www.ynetnews.com
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