Most of the slogans from the Arab Spring revolutions were more like objectives and action programmes for the sought-after change, which the revolutionary youth, masses and sections of the elite demanded. But they were lacking agreement upon the (...)
After following media coverage inside and outside Egypt on the Muslim Brotherhood's threats of igniting a revolution of the wretched on 11 November, I can say that there are strange exaggerations driven by two groups: the first are those good-willed (...)
Egypt, like the rest of the world, has the rich and the poor. Undoubtedly, the decline in poverty rates and the numbers of the poor reflects the progress of efforts to develop and ensure a fair distribution of wealth. However, the relationship (...)
Egypt has signed a staff level agreement with the International Monetary Fund in order to receive loans worth $12 billion from the IMF and $3 billion from the World Bank as well as additional loans and deposits from the Gulf countries and dollar (...)
With very few exceptions, Egyptian media has become a media where one voice minimizes the opportunities for critical or opposing viewpoints. It imposes one predominant discourse which acquires its influence from insistence and repetition and (...)
Nobody is satisfied with the performance of the Egyptian media, although we follow it and discuss its impact on society. We wonder about the sources of media financing, its mechanisms, ways of dominating it and using it in distorting people's (...)
Ten years ago, I warned against exchanging state hegemony for the hegemony of businessmen and advertisers over Egyptian media. It seems that warning went unheeded. Regression occurred in media freedoms and codes of ethics. The irony lies in that (...)
In his last speech, deposed president Mohammed Morsi suggested issuing a media code of ethics, and what an irony it also appeared in the army's statement, despite the difference in perspective and context and despite its incoherence and (...)