Sinai will always be under the spotlight, no matter what some people might do to try and forget or ignore it. Sinai is a great award that has been facing all kinds of threats and pressures for many decades. Since Israel was founded, it has been the biggest and most durable threat to Sinai. First of all, the Jewish State has an expansionistic gene and occupied Sinai twice in a little bit more than a decade (from October 1956 to March 1957 and from June 1967 to April 1982). Secondly, regardless of good intentions and agreements, the presence of such huge empty space close to a nuclear state creates tempting imbalances. We have now learnt how to deal with the Israeli threat in war and peace through regional and international alliances and we have now struck a balance which guarantees Sinai's security thanks to our Armed Forces, wise leaders and skilful diplomacy. Over the past few years, though, two new kinds of dangers have emerged. The first has come from the Gaza Strip, from which Hamas, under the guise of "resistance", has been digging tunnels across the Egyptian borders out of Egyptian control. Such tunnels have plunged Sinai into a state of illegality, as this peninsula is now dominated by a state of non-organized criminality with loyal groups and interests on the other side of the border. Finally, these borders witnessed the largest civil invasion ever recorded in Egypt's contemporary history. Unfortunately, Hamas's presence has encouraged some Egyptians to turn a blind eye on Egypt's direct interests in terms of security and Sinai's development and to be ready to put pressure - by taking to the streets or shouting on the media – on Egyptian authorities as long as this seems to contribute to jihad. By the way, this very jihad has divided what remained of Palestine in two countries and has given Israel its greatest victory over the past few years. In spite of the complicacy of this danger, Egypt has learnt how to deal, or rather coexist, with it, taking into consideration precise foreign and internal balances that try as much as possible to keep the Palestinian issue alive and to defend the Palestinian people from Israeli pressures and Palestinian stupidity. These balances also try to preserve a minimum of Egyptian consensus over an issue which is central in Egypt's foreign policy. As for the second danger, it comes from inside, as not all projects and internal consensus on the necessity to develop Sinai have been turned into reality. More than 25 years after the liberation and in spite of three annual national celebrations remembering Sinai (Ramadan 10, October 6 and April 25), little has been achieved even when we crossed the Nile and arrived in this peninsula. This has led to a demographic vacuum that has maintained Israel's and Hamas' threats possible. More importantly, this has troubled relations between the Egyptians living along the Nile and those living in Sinai, as the former talk very much about this peninsula, while the latter feel some resentment because they feel neglected. This, in turn, has led to demonstrations, armed clashes and challenges to Egypt's authority. Every time, the solution has consisted in a host of statements, condemnations and promises to keep the country united with one common destiny. However, all this is airbrushed away by a new puzzling incident after only few weeks. The truth is that there can be no security for Sinai and Egypt without developing this peninsula, as explained by dozens of plans and reports. Those who think that Sinai's current emptiness will make it easier to defend this region without many sacrifices are making a huge strategic mistake, as the network of threats is now interconnected and it is impossible to deal with them without doing anything concrete. This issue can not be solved through the formation of a new ministry of Sinai, as bureaucracy has kept the situation as it was and can not change it with a new seat in the Cabinet of Ministers. Let the private sector play a role and the whole Sinai will become like Sharm el-Sheikh.
