Opposition party complaints, rape victims and subsidised commodities hit the headlines, write Gamal Nkrumah and Mohamed El-Sayed It is rare that an opposition leader states frankly some of the difficulties that face the establishment of an opposition party in a nascent democracy. This week, one of the most forthright opposition figures extrapolated his experience in forming a new political party to elaborate how difficult it is to operate within the present political system. Writing in the daily independent Al-Masry Al-Yom Osama El-Ghazali Harb, deputy chairman of the recently founded National Democratic Front Party, lamented "the problem of being an opposition party". There is a crisis of democracy, and the role of the opposition is still not easily defined, Harb stressed. Opposition parties do not quite see what sort of posturing they should adopt. There are numerous hurdles that stop opposition parties from operating freely, Harb contended. "On the surface, the Egyptian political system appears to be a multi-party system from the constitutional and legal perspective. However, in reality it remains indeed a one-party system." Harb detailed the hardships he and the founders of the new party faced during and after the licensing of the party. "The banners of the party were removed from streets by the police and State Security personnel." He added that all public clubs refused to host lectures organised by his party. In much the same vein, other political commentators contended that there was tacit connivance between the legalised opposition and the ruling party in manipulating the political system. Writing in Al-Dostour, Abdel-Halim Qandil claimed, "the ruling [National Democratic] Party chooses its opposing parties by giving them licences. If an opposition party believes this [is real democracy] the ruling party punishes it." And, once again, the United States is throwing its weight about. Washington is interfering in the domestic politics of Egypt in a most infuriating fashion, as far as the Egyptian authorities are concerned. There is much speculation about the precise nature of the relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and the administration of US President George W Bush and the American political establishment at large. Indeed, there is much curiosity in the country as to why the US seems especially interested in turning the Muslim Brotherhood into a fully-fledged political party. US Ambassador Francis Ricciardone was quoted in the daily independent Al-Dostour as saying: "There is no contact between the administration and the Muslim Brotherhood since 9/11... and we welcome the formation of a political party by the [Muslim Brotherhood]." Al-Dostour also ran an op-ed by Talaat El-Sadat, the nephew of former president Anwar El-Sadat, and one of the key opponents of Mubarak's regime. Talaat El-Sadat is seen as one of the most vociferous anti-government voices. "The Egyptian government began to get rid of workers in the era of Atef Ebeid's government which drew up a programme to sell Egypt's [state-owned assets] until we hit this all-time low," complained El-Sadat, an opposition MP who was incarcerated for his criticism of the military establishment last year. Criticising the Annapolis conference, Galal Dweidar argued in the daily pro-government Al-Akhbar that the entire affair was a fiasco. "All the developments that took place after the conference resulted in more frustration and distrust towards the United States." Another political hot potato, the niqab, aroused the interest of women pundits. Writing in the daily liberal-leaning Nahdet Masr, Farida El-Shoubashi criticised the wearing of the niqab, or face veil, by nurses in public hospitals. "Has this sexual madness [in our society] reached such an extent that a female nurse wears a niqab to protect herself from the patients she takes care of?" wondered El-Shoubashi. Other social controversies hit the headlines. Indeed, the newspapers were awash with reports about the government's intention to cancel government subsidies. President Mubarak warned that any cut in subsidised consumer goods, especially foodstuffs, would lead to a public outcry. Even the pro-government papers had to concede the fact. "Subsidies will not be decreased, and there will be a mechanism to guarantee that it goes to those who deserve it", ran the headline of Al-Akhbar. In much the same vein, the weekly business-oriented Al-Maal ran an editorial about cutting subsidies, an issue which the government decided to involve civil society and all political forces in before taking a final decision. "The government is well aware that it is very difficult to find a solution to the subsidies conundrum without [a heavy] economic or social cost," the paper said. "The prime minister will not benefit from involving civil society or political forces in taking a decision to [cancelling subsidies], for it will remain the responsibility of the government," the paper concluded. In tongue-in-cheek tone which has become characteristic of the opposition and independent press, a saucy remark about the pros and cons of good governance hit the headlines. Commenting on the good governance prize accorded to the former president of Mozambique, Joachim Chissano, who left office voluntarily, the opposition Al-Arabi ran the headline: "Why doesn't Mubarak resign and win the $5 million prize?" Akram El-Qassas, a sarcastic writer, suggested, arguing, "when I see a former African president, I wish I could also see a former president in Egypt and the Arab world." Writing in Al-Arabi Mohamed Abul-Ghar criticised the tightened security grip on universities. "It seems that there are orders from upper bodies to presidents of universities to obey security apparatuses and oppress and assault students." The weekly independent Sawt Al-Umma reported on recent meetings held by judges and university professors. Judges protested against a new law proposed by the Ministry of Justice aimed at curtailing their independence, and university professors asked for a significant raise in their meagre salaries. "The rebellion against the government is rekindled anew by judges and university professors", ran the headline of the newspaper. The paper added, "University professors threaten to abstain from marking exam papers, strike, and organise a demonstration in front of the presidential palace if the prime minister does not yield to their demands." Meanwhile, Sawt Al-Umma ran an interview with one of the key witnesses in the death of Ashraf Marawan, a close aide of president Sadat. A Hungarian, the eyewitness was quoted as saying: "Ashraf Marawan was murdered. I saw him with my own eyes falling from the terrace while two men stood behind him." On a more mundane note, the daily Rose El-Youssef reported that people around the world pay $5 billion to watch pornography via mobile SMS "while Egyptians pay $33 million for the same service." The paper also ran a report about the pilgrimage season and the skyrocketing prices needed to perform the fifth pillar of Islam. It classified the types of hajj journeys organised by Egyptian travel companies: "A five-star pilgrimage costs LE60,000, luxury pilgrimage LE80,000 and super pilgrimage LE100,000." On yet another sexual note, the question of sexual abuse and rape cropped up. Writing in Sawt Al-Umma, Khaled Montasser exposed some of the sexual problems Egyptian women are exposed to. "Some sexual relations in Egyptian marriages are considered lawful rape legalised by the marriage officer." It is a question that needs to be addressed. The law has to be changed and new laws promulgated. Why, for example, do the victims of rape have to be forced to marry the rapist?
