Doaa El-Bey and Gamal Nkrumah write on the approach of Egypt's presidential campaign and how the crisis in Syria has receded somewhat from overwhelming media coverage As the date of the start of the presidential elections approaches, on 10 March, newspapers and opinion writers became more preoccupied with the details. Al-Akhbar banner on Monday expressed concern that "the declaration of the date of the election was postponed for the second time". The government statement presented by Prime Minister Kamal El-Ganzouri was thoroughly covered by newspapers. Al-Masry Al-Youm on Monday noted "El-Ganzouri in parliament and the protests still in the streets". Al-Ahram's banner on the same day quoted the prime minister as saying 11,500 house for poor families as of June and dropping LE441 million in farmers' debts. The start of the trial of the human rights workers involved in the case of the NGOs was described by Al-Wafd on Sunday as "the end of the honeymoon between Egypt and the US". Hassan Nafaa described the statement of the government which is supposed to be a salvation government as a copy of the statements of previous governments. Nafaa wondered in the independent daily Al-Masry Al-Youm why El-Ganzouri started his address by heaping blame on other countries, including Arab, for not keeping their financial promises and providing Egypt with the needed aid as if these countries were responsible for resolving Egypt's problems. People expected El-Ganzouri to talk about adopting procedures to combat corruption and achieve the minimum level of social justice. "It is not an exaggeration to say that keeping El-Ganzouri's government at a time when we are getting ready for the most dangerous presidential elections would be a source of instability. Why doesn't the ruling military council take a decision to ask a popular figure to form a national unity government?" Nafaa asked at the end of his column. Various writers looked at what is required from the first post-revolution president. Ahmed Sayed Ahmed wrote that the most important achievement of the 25 January Revolution was electing a president in a fair, transparent, multi-party election and limiting his authorities. But the question that Ahmed raised was what the role of the president in the transitional phase should be. He pointed to Ramses II and Mohamed Ali as two heads of state who managed to move the country forward because they had a comprehensive project for progress. In the light of these two experience, Ahmed added, we need to think in a different way about the role of the president in the transitional phase. The president, whatever his characteristics are, will not possess a magic wand to resolve all the pending problems. "We are in need of a president who has a clear vision to build a sound foundation for progress. He should be the orchestra conductor that leads the musicians to produce a beautiful and melodious tune," Ahmed wrote in the official daily Al-Ahram. Thus, the role of the president would be the crux of the reformation that the people want. As a result, Ahmed elaborated, he will not succeed unless a suitable political atmosphere and a balance among the legislative, executive and judicial authorities are created. Ahmed summed up by pointing to the importance of conducting a continuous national dialogue among all the political parties and trends on where to start and how we should list our priorities. Nasser Fayyad looked into the challenges facing the presidential elections, saying they would face attempts to terrorise potential candidates. He considered the attack on Abul-Fotouh as the beginning. Fayyad wrote in the official daily Al-Akhbar that the most dangerous challenge that faces Egypt is running the elections efficiently and with transparency. Fayyad was categorically against a consensus president, predicting it would be rejected by the silent majority. "How can a political group or trend agree on a consensual president while it is the decision of the people?" Fayyad asked. Fayyad also called on the head of the Supreme Committee for Presidential Elections to "bravely disclose all the details and dates of the elections and stop coming up with unconvincing excuses for not doing so." The election of the Shura Council, or the lower house, ended this week. It will hold its first meeting next week. Writers commented on the low turnout that was very obvious. Mohamed Abdel-Qodous wrote in defence of the Shura Council. He ascribed the low turnout to the fact that the people are not convinced of its importance, thus deciding not to vote. While Abdel-Qodous noted a strong inclination to abolish the house altogether, he believed such a step would be a big loss because there are two houses of parliament in most civilised countries. He suggested looking at Egypt's experience before the 1952 Revolution as well as democratic countries before taking any decisions. However, Abdel-Qodous urged a profound study that could lead to selecting Egypt's prominent scientists in various fields to be members of the house. "My country is in need of a council that houses the respected scientists of Egypt. Let the Shura Council be the one," Abdel-Qodous wrote in Al-Wafd, the mouthpiece of the opposition Wafd Party. The attack on presidential candidate Abul-Fotouh prompted many writers to point to the danger of disorder on the Egyptian street. Magdi Hegazi wrote that the attack raised the question of whether this is another part in the cycle of disorder that everybody is witnessing at present or there is a political dimension to it. That attack, he added, is part of a series of crimes that included killing football fans in Port Said Stadium, repeated bank robberies and kidnappings that are new to Egyptian society. Given that the matter is very dangerous, Hegazi warned, a quick move is needed. It is not enough to blame the Ministry of Interior as it is -- apparently -- incapable of maintaining security on its own. Besides, it must carry out a few other tasks, namely restructuring itself, purging its ranks, getting rid of the officers who are still abiding by the culture of the old regime, in addition to whether its members are allowed to grow their beards. "The Interior Ministry on its own cannot face the battle waged by the counter-revolution. El-Ganzouri's support is not enough," Hegazi wrote in the official weekly Akhbar Al-Youm. Given that we are in need of the joint efforts of all the parties, Hegazi called on the ruling military council to assume the responsibility of protecting the country and the revolution and restore security to the Egyptian street. He emphasised that the council is capable of doing the job because it carried out a similar role during the parliamentary elections.