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Papandreou plays populist
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 03 - 11 - 2011

Greeks have hit the headlines and Europeans the roof but they both must grasp the nettle to settle the eurozone crisis, notes Gamal Nkrumah
The worst scenario is that Pandemonium will yield abruptly to paralysis. In a surprise move on Tuesday, Greek Prime Minister Georgios, anglicised to George, Papandreou dropped a bombshell that left European policymakers and Greek lawmakers in a tizzy.
Papandreou pledged to hold a referendum for the Greek people themselves to decide on whether they approve of the $180 billion bailout for Greece that entails hugely unpopular austerity measures. The volte-face appears to be a populist move.
No firm date is set for the referendum that Papandreou proposed. At its simplest, the Greek Prime Minister appears resolute to strengthen his socialist and leftist credentials. He is the most uncharismatic populist leader Greece has produced in recent years. Perhaps it is time for Papandreou to perfect his powers of persuasion. The Greek people, Papandreou persisted, were entitled to have a "role and responsibility" in their own domestic economic affairs.
Papandreou's is a massive political gamble that might cost him his political career. One of his seasoned political advisors may have briefed the Greek premier on how to appease his own recalcitrant and acrimonious people, but Papandreou needed no tutor to deliver a clear, compelling oration. He delivered his startling revelation with vigorous hand gestures, as ancient Greek orators once did.
The pitch-perfect Papandreou with his well-honed rhetorical skills may have come in handy. Some of his lawmakers were livid. Lawmaker Milena Apostolaki threatened to defect from Papandreou's Socialist Pasok Party. Eva Kaili also vowed to abandon Pasok. "The crisis in the country has taken on uncontrollable dimensions and threatens the cohesion of Greek society," Milena Apostolaki thundered. "The titanic effort needed to exit the crisis needs national acceptance and social support. A referendum is a deeply divided process," she stressed.
Europe was hardly in a festive mood. Europe has been bending over backwards, eurozone policymakers claim, to accommodate Greece. According to the Financial Times : "European negotiators have asked Greek debt holders to accept a 60 per cent cut in the face value of their bonds, a hardline stance that far exceeds losses agreed in a deal between private investors and eurozone authorities three months ago."
Italy, Europe's fourth largest economy, is under intense pressure. Italy could follow Greek's lead and that would have disastrous consequences for the eurozone. Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi's weak government is for once furious to be outwitted and humiliatingly mocked by his fellow European heads of government over Italy's poorly managed sovereign debt crisis.
Papandreou is in a different quandary altogether. His competence would be put to the test in the days to come. Ironically, the Greek constitution doesn't accept a referendum on economic matters and therefore the entire legality of the referendum is itself in question.
The Greek economic and political situation is volatile, the stakes immense. Having adroitly manoeuvred his way through months of reckless Greek and European infighting and back- stabbing, Papandreou now seems to be convinced that not all roads lead to Brussels. He had no intention of making a false step now. And, what is crystal clear is that Greeks don't support an EU deal.
Explosive though it was, Papandreou's decision to hold a referendum on an austerity package arranged by the eurozone policymakers has put the spotlight on the popular protests in Athens and other Greek cities that show the people are against the EU deal. And, as the search for options continues unabated, the Greeks seem as determined as ever to stick to their guns and denounce the options put forward by European policymakers.
Rhetoric is a Hellenistic invention, I presume. But Papandreou does not have a way with words. His speech, though, showcased his political acumen, adaptability and his competitive instinct.
Papandreou, in the final analysis, is a politician who is acutely conscious of the fact that it was the Greek electorate that voted him into office. He does not owe his political fortunes to the eurozone policymakers. The latter have been too preoccupied with their profit margins and the survival of the euro and sundry banks to have given much thought to domestic Greek politics.
From Papandreou's perspective, however, no diplomatic measure, European or international, could have been as effective a thrust for his political career, or some propulsion for his popularity, than this entirely domestic referendum. After kowtowing to his Euro-masters for the past couple of years, he appears to have thrown his lot in with his people.
He has his hands full all the same. Backstabbers of the likes of Apostolaki are unwilling to give up the Euro-gravy train so easily.
If members of the German Bundestag have the right to scrutinise the Greek bailout package, so the Greek people have the right to vote on the matter in a nationwide referendum. This is now clearly a precondition for further Greek bailout packages.
The sentiments simply don't square up with the facts on the ground. Papandreou is obviously oblivious to venomous tongues or poison pens. His competence will now be put to the test. If, God forbid, disaster follows disaster, his people will play judge and jury in a setting where European propaganda does not penetrate.


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