A new corruption scandal, an opposition alliance, and embarrassing MPs are amongst the difficulties currently facing the ruling NDP. Gamal Essam El-Din takes stock The war in Iraq shifted the public's attention away from some of the ruling National Democratic Party's (NDP's) internal troubles (including a slew of recent high-profile corruption scandals), forcing the party to deal with the public's negative reaction to the NDP's unpopular "blame Iraq" stance instead. Now that the war is over, it appears as though the NDP will have to deal with a new corruption scandal, a new opposition alliance, and some of its own problematic parliamentarians. A series of legal appeals contesting the legitimacy of some two-dozen NDP MPs who have not fulfilled their military service represents, perhaps, the party's most serious difficulty at the moment. The 22 to 30 deputies involved are awaiting a Constitutional Court verdict -- requested by parliamentary Speaker Ahmed Fathi Sorour via Justice Minister Farouk Seif El-Nasr -- regarding whether or not MPs who turned 30 without having done their military service are entitled to run for general elections. Although the Court seemed ready to issue a verdict earlier this month, further discussions of the matter have delayed the decision until next month. Informed sources feared that the elimination of such a large number of deputies would provide grounds for calls to dissolve the current parliament altogether. Aware of the delicacy of the situation, NDP MPs recently rallied behind a bill aimed at enabling citizens over the age of 35 who hadn't done their military service to run for elections, provided they have paid the fees stipulated by the government as a penalty for not doing so. Emad El-Galada, an NDP MP with strong business connections to Iraq's defunct Ba'ath regime, submitted the bill, which parliament's proposals and complaints committee was set to pass before Sorour intervened to block it at the last moment, arguing that the bill could not go through "as long as the issue is being discussed by the Constitutional Court". Another bill, submitted by independent MP Mohamed Khalil Qiwita, sheds light on another of the NDP's parliamentary woes -- the controversy over deputies who ran as independents in elections then joined political parties after they were elected. According to Qiwita's bill, the NDP only actually won 38 per cent of the 444 seats being contested in the 2000 parliamentary elections. "Later," Qiwita told Al-Ahram Weekly, "the NDP coerced as many as 216 of the independent candidates who had won into joining the party in order to expand its total parliamentary membership to 388, and thus attain a hefty majority." That majority, much to Qiwita's dismay, was able, in this case, to relegate his proposed bill to the parliamentary dustbin. According to Qiwita, the bill aimed at eliminating one of "the undemocratic practices that the NDP must renounce". In fact, Qiwita's bill is just one of many ongoing initiatives, whose authors say are aimed at democratising the Egyptian polity. One such high-profile initiative took place on 8 May, when the leaders of four opposition parties -- No'man Gomaa of the liberal Wafd, Ibrahim Shukri of the Islamist-oriented Labour, Khaled Mohieddin of the leftist Tagammu, and the Arab Nasserists' Diaaeddin Dawoud -- met to call for the establishment of a national front for political reform. The four leaders said they aim to hold a general meeting in mid-June in order to issue a call to President Hosni Mubarak regarding the necessity and urgency of increased democratisation. Dawoud said details of the hoped-for alliance are still being worked out, but that its primary intention was to exert pressure on the ruling NDP to end its monopolisation of political life. The NDP did not seem too worried about the potential alliance, however, as reflected in the party's Secretary-General Safwat El-Sherif's comments about the NDP belief in dialogue with rival political parties. "The NDP stands for civil liberties, political democracy, and dialogue with opposition forces," El-Sherif said. "But we do not like the idea of 'alliances' because we are all in one boat." The opposition parties, meanwhile, seem to be banking on hopes that next month's meeting will attract a great deal of foreign media coverage, thus revealing the sad state of democracy in Egypt, and catalysing more pressure on the NDP to reduce its monopoly on power. The party itself, meanwhile, is in the midst of its own internal debate over democratisation. NDP sources have recently spoken about an internal conflict between the party's old guard on the one hand -- primarily including El-Sherif and Kamal El-Shazli, the NDP's assistant secretary-general, chief whip and secretary for organisational and membership affairs -- and the party's new generation, led by Gamal Mubarak, the chairman of the influential Policy Secretariat and the 40-year-old son of President Hosni Mubarak, on the other. In the aftermath of the poor NDP showing in the 2000 elections, President Mubarak laid the blame for the party's inappropriate selection of both its candidates and the chairmen of its provincial and district offices on crony relationships. There has been much talk within the party about making a serious attempt to reform and democratise the NDP from within, ahead of its ninth congress next September. At the same time, however, the old guard's crony relationships -- and the corruption scandals they often seem to spawn -- continued to plague the party. Last week, Tarek El-Siwaissi, chairman of the NDP's El-Haram (Pyramids) office in the Giza governorate, was remanded into custody for 15 days pending investigation on charges that he amassed a huge fortune -- estimated at LE3 billion -- via the smuggling of Pharaonic antiquities to Europe and America over the past two years. The public seemed less surprised by the charges against El-Siwaissi than by the fact that he is known to be a close associate of El-Shazli, who is also minister of parliamentary affairs. El-Siwaissi allegedly facilitated hefty bribes to a few high-ranking NDP figures to ensure his selection as chairman of the NDP office in Egypt's primary antiquities area, where he would have easy access to antiquities officials who would help him conduct his illicit smuggling. Six antiquities officials -- four of whom are on the run -- were also implicated in the scandal. The El-Siwaissi case comes at a rather critical moment for the party -- in the aftermath of a series of corruption cases involving several other leading NDP figures. One example was the 6-month-long bank fraud trial involving Abdallah Tayel and Abdel-Wahab Qouta, both NDP business tycoons who were, respectively, chairman and deputy chairman of parliament's economic committee, as well as close associates of El-Shazli. Considered Egypt's most prominent old guard politician who, observers say, has managed to survive the changing of regimes and platforms over the past 35 years by adapting to new political realities, El-Shazli is no stranger to opposition criticism of his allegedly crony relationships with NDP businessmen.
