Despite widespread allegations of voter fraud, Darfurians appear willing to give the upcoming Sudanese elections a chance, writes Ali Belail Had the world in 1937 had the global media we have now, Al-Fashir would have secured its place in history as one Amelia Earhart's stops in her attempt at a round the world solo flight. Alas, it will be known as the city that triggered the Darfur crisis. It was in Al-Fashir Airport in 2003 that rebel groups blew up seven Sudanese Air Force planes in retaliation for the government's bombing of their bases. What followed was a vicious war that has claimed thousands of lives and displaced millions. Now there is a tentative peace. Agreements have been signed with some groups while others are still in talks with the government in Qatar. Since the lull in fighting the capital city of north Darfur has enjoyed an economic boom as a result of the influx of massive UN humanitarian and peacekeeping contingents. It is 7:30pm and people are coming out of the main mosque in the city centre after the Maghreb prayers. They trickle into the stadium grounds in their light coloured robes and head to the far end where the stage is lit and the rally has begun. The event was announced the night before so expectations are low. This is a risk on the part of the Popular Congress led by Hassan Al-Turabi, the man whose ideology and design brought the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) to power in a coup in 1989. He later split from the party and is now fielding his own candidates for the upcoming presidential, parliamentary and regional elections. But slowly the stadium seats and grounds are almost full -- not less than 8,000 people have come to hear "the fox" speak. Ever eloquent in his classical Arabic, Al-Turabi engages a crowd like few others can. There are old men, women, young men, teenagers and they did not come to cheer -- they came to listen. They like Al-Turabi -- Darfur is nearly all Muslim and the Islamic movement in general has a considerable power base here. Save for the few party activists, no one cheers. But they do laugh at his jibes at the ruling party. Even when he speaks of the atrocities in Darfur they are quiet. They only cheer when he speaks of the current wave of fraudulent ponzi schemes sweeping Al-Fashir, which have claimed many victims. "Now you're talking," utters the young man behind me. People in Darfur, such as Essam Sami, a 30-year old journalist, are "tired of talk, of war, they want to live". But it would be folly to attempt to sum up Darfur. It is a region almost the size of Spain with a highly complex political, ethnic and cultural make-up. Darfur is divided into three states: north, south and west Darfur. The recent conflict has made it a region in flux, literally and metaphorically. Historically, it was the bedrock for the two traditional sectarian parties that dominated politics since Sudan's independence in 1956: the Umma Party led by Sadig Al-Mahdi and the Democratic Unionist Party led by Mohamed Othman Al-Mirghani. But both parties have been out of power -- and some would say out of touch -- for over 20 years and the traditional support they got from Darfur has waned, and it shows. "Al-Mahdi used to say that if I just throw my stick in Darfur I would win," Sami told me. "Now he is scared to come to face the reality that he no longer has support in Darfur." To top it all, both parties have flip flopped twice this past week over their position on the postponement of elections before breaking rank with the main opposition grouping and declaring finally that they will take part. The call to postpone the elections by the Juba Alliance is primarily because they claim the government has manipulated the political environment in Darfur and elsewhere to its advantage, especially during the voter registration process. They cite that there are over two million displaced people and refugees across the region -- a fact they say makes a free and fair election impossible. They also say the NCP has monopolised the media, intimidated opponents, used state resources for its campaign, and manipulated the recent census. Yet neither Al-Mahdi nor Al-Mirghani has come to Darfur to campaign, and they could pay dearly for it. The Al-Turabi rally demonstrates that people are hungry for change and are willing to listen. If anything, it is a sign of how much the political landscape has changed over the past two decades. Traditional family and sectarian allegiances are no longer the main factor in the politics of Darfur. Meanwhile, the only party seemingly taking the elections seriously is the ruling NCP. Across Al-Fashir, and in the refugee camps around the city, the party is frantically holding voter education workshops and demonstrations in these final days. In one particular workshop for women, the female party activists are wearing a white traditional thob emblazoned with a green tree that is the party symbol. They patiently demonstrate to the women, many of who are illiterate, how to vote, emphasising that they are free to tick any box they want. It is a somewhat odd thing considering accusations that the government will fix the results. Why campaign and train voters if they will fix the result? That is a question that is making many here believe that the elections are not entirely a forgone conclusion and that the opposition parties are not up to the challenge, hence their call for a boycott and postponement. The ruling party has considerable financial resources but many Darfurians question the ability of the parties to mobilise the people. "It is not just money that the NCP have -- they are organised and they offer us a vision," commented Lamia Mohamed, a 19-year-old NCP activist. Though the armed conflict is still not resolved and could flare up at any moment, people in Al-Fashir and Darfur are more preoccupied with their livelihood. Water, electricity, education and healthcare services are abysmal. They seem to be willing to give these elections a chance. But there is much that makes Darfur a tentative situation: by next year a referendum is to be held to determine whether the three states join and form an autonomous unit within Sudan, and there are the peace talks in Qatar that will not lead to an agreement before the elections. The NCP will likely score a win on the presidential, parliamentary and regional levels, but their impact in Darfur is far from conclusive. The Darfurians are a graceful, generous and patient people. But as the local myth claims, they were also the first Sudanese to burn the British flag and in more recent times rise to safeguard their dignity and livelihood against the current government. Either way this old sultanate that has produced many leaders, academics, artists and thinkers is likely to be in the news for the foreseeable future.
