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Neo-puritanism, terror and Bush
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 25 - 11 - 2004

Bush's re-election was the result of the interplay between morality, religious traditions and the economic roots of the US, argues John William*
Various explanations for the re-election of George W Bush have been offered and refuted in the last two weeks, with many centred on the role played by religious fundamentalism in the US. Those critical of this perspective, such as David Brooks ("Value votes myth" , New York Times, 6 November) argue that the diversity of geography, religions and cultures in the US somehow precludes any homogenous evangelical impact on voting. It is a perspective that denies that history and economic ideology can serve as a unifying foundation for social preferences in spite of superficial variations in religious perspective.
That John Kerry, a candidate obviously superior to Al Gore in terms of charisma, passion, vision and apparent intellect could be defeated by Bush is unlikely at best. This is especially true given the credibility that Bush saw evaporate during his first term. Outside of moral issues, the explanations I have read have ranged from fears of terrorism to a lack of faith in Kerry's decisiveness. The more one contemplates the situation, however, and in spite of the opinions put forth by Brooks and others, it becomes apparent that the electorate disregarded their -- and the candidates' -- intellects and voted with their hearts.
The election was not solely about terrorism, or the economy, or allegations of the "Kerry flip-flop", though in order to gain reelection the Bush campaign played on Americans' fears and doubts. They did so in conjunction with a set of moral and psychological factors cemented since the 17th century by historical, economic and religious circumstances.
Exit polls showed that moral issues were the driving force behind the Kerry loss. This is an extremely general statement, though it is not so vague that specific instances of the reality cannot be discovered or interesting connections made between morality, the origins of the US economy and religious traditions in the US.
Referenda banning homosexual marriage were held in 11 states where they were all passed. Voters realised that a Bush victory would lead to a conservative majority on the Supreme Court that would remain for decades. This will, of course, impact upon Roe vs Wade and the legal viability of stem cell research. It is obvious that voters placed emphasis upon traditionally valued social institutions and the legal sanctity of human life. What is puzzling is that voters appeared unable to apply this thinking to an examination of foreign policy. They willingly endorsed the sacrifice of human life abroad while abandoning simple yet traditionally-valued concepts such as "honesty" when choosing their leader. Historically, what is further puzzling is the degree to which the same majority that elected Bill Clinton twice and, if constitutionally possible, would probably have elected him for a third term even in the wake of scandal, became so concerned with domestic "moral issues" that a more inclusive set of global morals was disregarded. The explanation for this is to be found in history, economics, and religion.
The Bush re-election rested on twin pillars, on the fact that global terror has reached the US and on the puritanical economic and social histories of the country. The appearance of terrorism in the US certainly reinforced the impact of neo- puritanism on the presidential elections, but it cannot be held up as the sole explanation.
The US is the epicentre of global capitalism. That the emergence of the US coincided with that of classical liberalism in economic theory has resulted in several psycho-economic peculiarities congruous with the traditional values that gave rise to the dominant socioeconomic system. It is these values that have enabled the "new morality" of the US to take root and flourish in the era of global terrorism.
In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Max Weber unearths a founding principle of capitalism in the break between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism. The Calvinist abandonment of the Catholic prohibition of usury enabled capitalist profit to be transformed into a virtuous rather than sinful pursuit. The transformation was buttressed by Calvinist doctrines of predestination which manipulated material and immediate gain into evidence of divine love. The American economy has been stagnating since the 11 September attacks: it is my belief that the American voter, at least on a subterranean level, has come to view terrorism on their shores and the related economic decline as fundamental evidence of divine displeasure with the excesses of American culture and politics.
Those who supported Bush two weeks ago were willing to set aside the knowledge that their president had lied to them about the motivations behind invading and occupying Iraq, set aside the knowledge that he had murdered civilians abroad, set aside their immediate domestic economic concerns and alliances that had remained strong in Europe since WWII. This willingness was fostered by the hope that the perceived "morality" of their president in the domestic arena would somehow insulate them from the wrath of divine displeasure springing from overseas. The perceived excesses of the Clinton administration, the perception that abortion is common, the heightened possibility of wide-spread stem cell research and the potential loss of a heterosexual monopoly on legal marriage were all factors playing on the minds of Americans who came to view the rejection of such modern values as a form of penance to be paid. By electing Bush they hope to return to the idealistic, simple and frankly mythical morality of the 1950s. The desire is to transform the US into a neo-puritanical paradise once again. Of course, that paradise never existed and American voters will eventually discover that there is no hope for its creation under the corrupt and deadly Bush regime. Then it will be too late. The horror is that Bush's re-election will adversely impact on several generations.
* The writer is assistant professor of economics at the American University in Cairo.


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