Egyptians are deeply disappointed. After two revolutions in three years, they have not yet gained the least of what they are asking for: development, social justice, freedom and human dignity. Beware of them when they get angry! When they find that they have nowhere to go to a better future, they either took heavily to the streets or they practise in silence what I describe as a “massive silent civil disobedience”. As they suffered a lot of injustice and oppression in their past, they learnt how to resist when they lack reasonable leadership and they face tyranny. Now, ordinary Egyptians have been asked to pay for the deficit and to make up for the lack of efficient state administration. I'm not only talking about fuel prices, but also referring to the bundle of bad policies carried out by bad politicians since the eruption of 25 January Revolution. Even when the state tried to please the masses, by responding to some economic and social demands, official measures seemed to fail to please the people, who in return went on demanding more from the state. The results were visible: short term solutions for long term structural defects have resulted in more complications; civil servants, whose numbers should be reduced, have increased by about one million; payments to them more than doubled in three years and the whole system of public finance has nearly collapsed, only barely saved by massive assistance funds paid by three Arab Gulf States (Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Kuwait) to the tune of about $20 billion. Now, Egypt is back to square one, and needs money. But this time, ordinary Egyptians are being asked to pay. It is vulgar politics and they are vulgar politicians those who fail to see eye to eye with their own people! During the corrupt decades of the rule of ousted president Mubarak, a few families or a few hundred men and women managed to accumulate huge wealth originating from illegal land allocations, purchase of state assets that were sold very cheaply through the “privatisation” programme, bad contracts with or through the state (Hussein Salem is one example), and through monopoly or near monopoly in the market under the protection of the state. Those who benefited from Mubarak's regime should come first in line to pay for the deficit in public finances. In fact, the interests of those who grew wealthy and politically stronger during Mubarak's corrupt era have not been touched so far. When some politicians or officials talk about social justice, people will never believe them so long as the roots and the branches of corruption are still visible everywhere. Moreover, when some politicians and officials sing the song that says, ‘Egyptians are lazy and do not work hard enough,' ordinary Egyptians take that as further proof of the divide between the state and its own people. The felt lack of trust is going deeper and deeper, as the people see that the state has no credibility while state officials see the people as “lazy”. Egyptians' historic reply to such a divide is either revolution or silent civil disobedience. To see the complete picture, one must admit that the present political elite in Egypt has also lost credibility. People have no one to turn to, and nothing to reply on but their own primary sense of life. Egypt's political elite is occupied with its own dreams and aspirations, whether or not they are at one with ordinary Egyptians. Elements of the elite — let's call them “activists”, as they prefer to describe themselves in most cases — are always busy preparing for “street events”, protesting against “authority”, demanding their right to “protest”. Fine. Protest. Protest more against the authoritarian regime and make these protests a huge fight between you and the state, while ordinary Egyptians are on the sidelines watching as a third party. Political protests by the political elite — and for the political elites — have led to a situation where “activists” and “citizens” have separated in direction. Citizens who are suffering difficulties of everyday life want to “build” new realities for a better life, while activists are struggling to destroy the state and the system. Call them anarchists or revolutionaries, they lost touch with life, lost touch with people, and will see their numbers and influence shrink and shrink, unless a state of chaos takes hold where anyone can do anything. Once again, this is the other face of vulgar politics and vulgar politicians. In all cases, history does not stop moving; events and people never stop responding to these events and making history. So wait and see what kind of new weapons Egyptians will invent to harden their struggle for a better life. Wait and see what kind of new political elite will emerge from the anger and the despair of ordinary people. The revolution may take many years to come, but will never fail people's aspirations and dreams. Vulgar politics and vulgar politicians will die away, and a new era of development, social justice, freedom and human dignity for all Egyptians will definitely emerge. Believe in people's power! It makes history. The writer is chairman of the Arab Organisation for Freedom of the Press
