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An object lesson in statecraft
Published in The Egyptian Gazette on 14 - 03 - 2011

Since Sierra Leone's eleven-year civil war officially ended in 2002, it has been struggling to rebuild a traumatised nation and to change perceptions of it as a land of drug-crazed rebels, child soldiers and blood diamonds. The story of this small West African country is a familiar one, a tale of aid dependency, hollow promises and rampant corruption.
Once the spotlight of the world's media moved on to yet another scene of trouble, the ordinary people had to make the best of what they were left with.
The past eight years have seen some progress, although, in common with most of the rest of the continent, a new style of imperialism has emerged on the scene. It's ‘Sino imperialism' – a form of indirect colonialism – a colonialism without responsibility.
Sino imperialism, whilst seemingly subtle and benign in nature, is exploiting African nations, getting them to sell off their fishing rights, precious mineral resources, agricultural land and forests – effectively, the birthright of future generations.
Such is the spending power of 21st century China that few of Africa's leaders can resist what is dangled before them.
But, unlike European colonialism, this time there will be no future lowering of flags, no independence or manumission – Africa and vulnerable states such as Sierra Leone are being locked into a capricious embrace from which there appears to be no escape.
The Chinese dragon has awoken in recent years, working assiduously to court the nations of the African continent.
It realises that not only can it have access to and influence in Africa more effectively than any other region on Earth, but can also fill the vacuum of influence left by the USA and Russia following the ending of the Cold War.
European nations such as Britain have in essence all but retreated and are now preoccupied with other foreign policy issues such as Iraq, Afghanistan and the threat of international terrorism.
America's failed intervention in Mogadishu, Somalia (3rd – 4th October 1993) has made State Department officials wary and ill at ease about active engagement with Africa.
Of the former colonial powers, only France has endeavoured to exert influence, invariably in the form of a substantial military presence in its former colonies.
The likes of Chad, Mali, Niger and, most notably, Ivory Coast have all been the victim of continued French meddling. Policymakers in Paris, like America, have had their fingers burnt, as in the case of the fallout from what happened in Rwanda and estrangement of Rwanda from the Francophone community.
Of the nations with a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, only China has invested time and energy in seeking to gain leverage and influence throughout the continent.
It has recognised that not only does Africa still possess mineral deposits, but, through bilateral trade agreements, it can also garner UN support for its stance on Taiwan.
To the despots and kleptomaniacs that rule various African states, the potential future plight of Taiwan is of little or no consequence. They rarely care about their own people, so why should they give a fig about what may or may not happen to the inhabitants of a faraway island?!
Thus far the clauses related to Taiwan have gone unnoticed by policymakers in Washington, London, Paris and Moscow, but the Chinese intentions are clear.
When the time is right Taiwan will be ‘absorbed' and, in the UN, the courted African nations will side with China, while others powers will be left with little option but to wring their hands.
China's systematic African charm offensive, especially via the innocuous-sounding Forum on China-Africa Co-operation, has been an object lesson in statecraft and self-interest.
Many African leaders have enjoyed being courted by the world's most powerful one-party state. For the Chinese there is no danger of the likes of Eritrea or Zimbabwe raising the issue of Tibet or the systematic persecution of the Falun Gong.
Beijing's high-sounding pronouncements may flatter to deceive, but they are motivated by harsh economic realities.
If China's economic growth is to be sustained and the democratic voice of the Chinese people to be stifled, it is essential that China find the raw materials and foodstuffs to sustain its incredible growth rate and placate its subjects.
China has become an economic powerhouse of the first order. The facts and statistics related to such expansion are impressive on the surface.
Jim O'Neal, Chairman of Goldman Sachs Asset Management, waxed lyrical about this in a recent article in the London Evening Standard (‘We need to be part of the great Chinese march' – 15/2/2011).
In his article, he says: “Contrary to many perceptions, China is not achieving this growth at everyone's else's expense.” Such ‘Sinobabble' would appear to suggest that Mr O'Neal knows little about what is going on in Africa.
Evidence of Chinese investment is everywhere, and it would appear that, the more unsavoury the regime, the larger the investment.
China's gilded cheque book has certainly bought solace and time for Robert Mugabe and has enabled vast swathes of Joseph Kabila's Congo to be opened up for exploitation, redolent of the era of King Leopold II of Belgium.
Capital projects such as roads, bridges, sports stadia and hospitals have also been paid for by Chinese investment or designed and built by the Chinese.
Yuan Longping High-tech Agriculture, China's largest hybrid rice seed producer, has muscled into Nigeria, and the likes of Liberia and Mali are already finding their food production systems being influenced, and not always positively, by China.
In East Africa, a shortage of ports may well be somewhat alleviated by the Lamu Port development, but again, at what cost when a UNESCO World Heritage site is directly threatened by such a project?
Sadly, all too often, investment and the work it generates rarely goes to local firms or workers, but stays almost exclusively in the hands of the Chinese themselves.
There are even alarming stories coming out of countries such as Algeria of China shipping over its prisoners to work day and night in eight-hour shifts on major construction projects, effectively ensuring that wage bills are virtually zero.
Through the use of such slave labour, China can ruthlessly undercut competitors and ensure that projects are completed in record time.
Inevitably, China rebuffs any criticism of its motives or conduct. It will not tolerate criticism from its own people, let alone censure from the outside world.
There are of course leaders in Africa happy to rally to China's defence. Readers will recall that Colonel Gaddafi of Libya chose to speak admiringly of China's handing of protesters in Tianenmen Square during his rambling and bellicose rant on 22nd February.
Whilst undoubtedly some good has been done by China in Africa, it is clear that, from illegal logging in Mozambique to the succour China routinely gives to Africa's tyrants, the peoples of Africa have good reason to fear being absorbed into a new Chinese Empire.

Jones is a London-based freelance writer and international adviser on African affairs. He contributed this article to the Egypian Mail.


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