The Muslim Brotherhood will either make it or break it, reports Amani Maged Although Saturday, 11 February, marks the first anniversary of Hosni Mubarak's fall from power, it also presents a challenge. While the Muslim Brothers and the Salafis have as much cause to celebrate as all Egyptians, if not more, they are being haunted by the calls to protest from the coalitions of revolutionary youth and taunted by rebukes for refusing to take part in the activities that the revolutionaries have planned for that day. The Muslim Brotherhood has also been the target of charges of high treason against the revolution. Whenever violence breaks out against demonstrators the Muslim Brothers are blamed for failing to protect them even if they decide to take part in demonstrations that day. Even though the ruling military has announced that presidential nominations would open on 10 March, various forces, such as the Alliance of the Revolutionaries of Egypt, have called for a general strike to demand the immediate handover of power to a civil authority. Acting on their belief in the exercise of their right to free expression and peaceful protest, these groups have begun to hang up posters, distribute leaflets and organise marches. Labour forces, too, are set to participate in quite large numbers, judging from their organisations' Facebook pages and the announcements of many labour leaders who have taken up the call to civil disobedience in order to hasten the implementation of the demands of the revolution. Although the Islamists have held only a few million-man marches since the revolution -- for example, to oppose sets of inviolable constitutional principles, such as those set out in the El-Selmi document, and to celebrate on the first anniversary of the revolution -- they have become the targets of criticism. "If we [the Muslim Brothers] appear in [Tahrir] square we are accused of stirring rioting and vandalism. If we don't show up, we're accused of betraying the revolutionaries and the revolution," said Saad El-Husseini, a member of the executive bureau of the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). The FJP will not be marking the anniversary of Mubarak's departure by joining the general strike, an action that El-Husseini claimed would be detrimental to the economy and undermine efforts to establish social justice. "What is needed, now, is for everyone to exercise self-restraint and to work to protect the revolution." The Muslim Brothers have issued a barrage of statements through various media outlets appealing against the general strike. MB Secretary- General Mahmoud Hussein said that his organisation "rejected the call to civil disobedience and urged Egyptians to double their efforts to build the country, not destroy it." Hussein warned that the call to a general strike threatened the welfare and future of the nation. A general strike, he explained, meant that railroads, transport and communications would stop, that work in factories, government institutions, schools and universities would grind to a halt, that government revenues from taxes and electricity, water and gas bills would not come in. This would aggravate the already poor conditions in the country and cause the state and government to collapse. Hussein urged those responsible for issuing the call to a general strike to appeal to logic and wisdom and to set the national welfare above narrow personal, group or political party interests. "If people want to demonstrate that day, this is their right as long as they do so in a peaceful and civilised manner. They should also eliminate anyone bent on sabotage and destruction from the ranks of the patriotic revolutionaries and demonstrators, for patriotism and the intent to destroy can not co-exist in the same person." The MB secretary-general continued: "If we succeeded in electing a parliament that represents us all, then we should bring our demands to it and let it strive to realise them. But we will have to be patient. There are many demands and we have 30 years of corruption to repair. This cannot be done immediately. In addition, we should not pay attention to the journalists who use sensationalism to stir passions and who call for destruction and vandalism." The Salafis echoed the Muslim Brothers' refusal to take part in the general strike. In the opinion of Abdel-Moneim El-Shahat, spokesman for the Salafist Calling, such an action at this time of economic deterioration is illogical and a threat to Egypt's welfare. It is "trading in the interests of the people," he said. He also echoed Hussein's appeal for support of the parliament and, especially, the parliamentary fact-finding committee that, he claims, has made considerable progress on the Port Said football stadium incident. The Salafi spokesman said that a number of Salafis would be on hand on Saturday, "to guide the square". "Since the recent events on Mohamed Mahmoud Street we have realised the danger of leaving the streets and squares without guidance," he explained, adding that this guidance was necessary in order to remind the youth of the need to express their opinions peacefully and, thereby, defuse crises that erupt between the demonstrators and the police. Salafi leaders are also communicating with organisers of the general strike in order to dissuade them from going ahead with the strike. The Nour Party, which is the political arm of the Salafist Calling, described the call to civil disobedience as "part of a train of distortion and obfuscation and an attempt to distract the people from the correct path." Through its people in the square the Salafis will try to restore peace and security to the country and to put a halt to those forces that are working to sow more chaos in the country, a Nour spokesman said. Now that the Islamists make up 75 per cent of the parliament, they feel that the burden of responsibility has fallen on them to bring calm to the Egyptian street. But, according to the Islamist affairs expert Ali Abdel-Aal, they face a major hurdle on Saturday. Perhaps the Islamists will succeed, not only in maintaining peace but in allaying the anger of the revolutionaries and convincing them to put their plans for civil disobedience on hold in light of the steps that the military has already taken to bring forward the transfer of power to civilians. While we can predict a flurry of 11th hour negotiations and preparations, it is still too soon to tell whether the Muslim Brothers and Salafis will succeed in their first major test. Or will they simply be the butt of further criticism for abandoning the revolution and contenting themselves with celebrating the downfall of the ruler whose policies had tormented them for so long?
