The ongoing expulsion of Coptic families from their villages as part of customary reconciliation agreements implies that the state's power iis undermined before social pressure and hardline religious currents. Yet again news comes of Coptic familiesexpelled from their villages, this time in Beni Soueif and Minya, part of the terms ofcustomaryreconciliationagreements reachedin meetings of local residents,clerics, and state representatives. Thelocalsand clerics who take part in these sessionsbelievethey're doing the right thingbecause it protects families and villages in Upper Egyptby preventinga small-scale disputefrom degeneratinginto aviolentsectarian conflict. So they choose flawed solutions to ward off what they see as the greater evil. That's why Idon't blame those who infraught circumstances seek to defuse sectariantension and shut down the strife before it begins.The state, however, is something else. State institutions should be censured for sanctioning the outcomeof a customary reconciliation that compels a family to leave its village because one of its members may have done something shameful, provocative, or illegal. Expulsion from one's village is not a penalty recognized by law. In fact, the Constitution considers it a crimeso serious that it isnot subject toastatute of limitations.Banishing an entire family because one of its members may haveinfringedsocialor moralcodesor even committed a crime isalsoa flagrant violation of the constitutional principleof personal criminal liability. Expulsion is collective punishmentlevied onpeoplewho did nothing wrong, assuming that an actual crime was even committed. The reality is that most of these incidents begin with no more than rumors, innuendo, ora foolish indiscretion, whichreligious zealotsexploitto inflame strife and settle old accounts.But either way, the state should notparticipate in,sanction, recognize, or implementany decisionto expel any citizen from his hometown. Doing so is tacit recognition that the principle of citizenship is meaningless and that the state's authority to protect its citizensis powerless before social pressure andhardlinereligious currents. These evictions are nothing new in Upper Egypt, although they haveincreased since therevolution due to the security vacuum, the spread of weapons, andthe rise of religiousextremistswhofeelempowered to enjoin the good and forbid the evil. The state oftenyields toreconciliation deals involving evictions to avoid confrontations, though inrareinstances it has implemented the law, brought offenders from both sides to justice, and protected those who are not directly involved in the dispute. Currently, fewChristian Egyptiansdoubt thatthe state and its institutions stand against the return of religious rule, orquestion the state's zeal to protect the rights of Copts and their place in society.This was symbolized by thepresident's greatly appreciated visit and speech atthe St. Mark's Cathedral in Abbasiya during the last Christmas mass. But prevailing media and official discourse views any criticism of the state as an attempt to undermine and destabilise the regime, supportthe Brotherhood,or weaken popularsupport for the president and the government. As a result,any talk of the failure to uphold citizenship or to protect Christiansis viewed with apprehension - liketalk of the constitution, justice, and liberties -andliabletodraw accusationsofsowing discordorbreaking withthe national consensus. Sadly, those who pay the higher price of this silence are poor residents of villages located far from the centers of government, power or influence. Sectarian tension exists andcanflareupat anymoment, fed by existing economic and cultural conditions. The gap between Muslims and Christians is real and has been fostered by decades of suspicion, superstition, and the conflict over limited resources. But the problem cannot be dealt with by remaining silentaboutviolationsor by relying on state agencies alone to managethe issueusing the same means that created the problem in the first place. Society must confront the issue. Laws protecting equality and prohibiting discrimination must be issued, and the state must allow civil society toplay its role inraisingawareness, building bridges of trust, and creatingearly-warning systemsthat canmonitor imminent sectarian conflict, address the root causes, and deal with its consequences. Ziad Bahaa-Eldin holds a PhD in financial law from the London School of Economics. He is a former deputy prime minister, former chairman of the Egyptian Financial Supervisory Authority and former chairman of the General Authority for Investments. This article was published in Arabic in El-Shorouq newspaper on Tuesday 2 June. http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/131936.aspx
