Not much anger on the day, writes Shaden Shehab Last year 23,000 workers at Misr Spinning and Weaving Company in the industrial city of Mahala Al-Kubra announced they would strike on 6 April if their ongoing demands for improved wages were not met. Their demands were picked up by a Facebook group that named itself the Sixth of April Movement and which called for a nationwide strike, urging people to stay at home or join in peaceful protests. The strike, the group said, would serve as a protest against galloping inflation. This year the same calls were made. But if the run up to 6 April caused a few ripples in the world of political activism the day itself proved an anticlimax. Dubbed a "day of anger", the movement hyped its publicity for the event as the Interior Ministry readied thousands of security personnel. Yet beyond a few protests on university campuses it was business as usual. The contrast with last year could not have been clearer. The relatively empty streets indicated then that some people did stay at home. Yet at the peak of last year's protests thousands of protesters gathered in Mahala and the security forces were up in arms. The town turned into a war zone where government buildings were vandalised, railway tracks and tyres burned and two schools set ablaze while the police responded with tear gas bombs and rubber bullets. Two people died, hundreds were injured and scores arrested. Last year the Sixth of April Movement was joined by Kifaya, Ghad, the unlicensed Karama Party and movements like Egyptians against Corruption. This year, they were moreover supported by heavyweight political powers such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the leftist Tagammu Party which called on the public to use all peaceful means to express their anger against the policies of the regime. The group called on Egyptians to make 6 April "a day of strike and anger... a major step on the path of civil disobedience as a peaceful way in which to achieve major reforms for a decent life and a better future for every citizen". This year the movement demanded a minimum, inflation indexed monthly salary of LE1,200, the election of a commission to draft a new constitution, a two-year limit on the term of the president and a halt to gas exports to Israel. The movement urged the public to go to their jobs but not work, attend university but boycott lectures, to refrain from shopping and hang the Egyptian flag from their balconies. Although students on many campuses heeded the call, chanting anti-government slogans, it sparked little interest among the wider public. Some 300 activist, including members of the free Egyptian Workers' Union, did gather outside the Press Syndicate. "We expressed our anger by the protest but we are against a massive strike," said Ali El-Badry, one of the founders of the union. "It is not appropriate at a time when Egypt is affected by the economic crisis and is facing foreign pressure, to turn against the regime. Besides, many workers' demands have been met or are under negotiation. It is our country too, not only the country of the president or the ruling party. Chaos is the last thing we need." Around 50 people, surrounded by dozens of security forces, gathered in front of the State Council as a court session was being convened to review natural gas exports to Israel. Ayman Nour, the founder of Ghad, read out what he called the "Cairo Declaration". He demanded a new constitution, the end of emergency laws and freedom to form political parties and publish newspapers without restriction, presenting the regime with an ultimatum. If the demands are not met by 6 April 2010, he said, "a massive strike will be prepared". In a separate protest 100 opposition MPs, mainly from the Muslim Brotherhood, walked out of parliament just as Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif began to speak. But if the day was distinguished by anything it was the presence of police, armoured vehicles and plain-clothed security men in the streets. There are reports that nine students were arrested at Ain Shams University and 12 members of the Muslim Brotherhood detained on charges of inciting civil unrest and disturbing peace. Ahead of 6 April 28 people, mostly students in Alexandria and Kafr Al-Sheikh, were arrested for distributing posters promoting the strike and staging a sit-in outside a courthouse to protest against the arrest of their colleagues. So why didn't the strike materialise? "It was a virtual strike", says Abdel-Moneim Said, director of Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies. "The masses could not relate to the call. The objectives were various and abstract." "The Egyptian people may be ready to act when it comes to a cause that directly affects their livelihood but when you mix political demands with economic ones you are fighting a lost battle. People in general are ready to adjust and need stability. They will fear that a mass strike will only jeopardise the security of the country." For political science professor Mustafa Kamel El-Sayed the strike had some positive aspects. "Compared to last year it was a clear manifestation of discontent, shown in the protests that took place. Last year not many political parties joined but this year the Muslim Brotherhood and Tagammu parties took part." "That the Interior Ministry mobilised large numbers of security personnel is itself a success. This year was a second step towards making a difference." "The last two protests should be viewed as preparation for a peaceful mass strike. You cannot expect to overcome public apathy overnight but step by step we will get there," says Ahmed Maher, one of the founders of the Sixth of April Movement. (see Features, Weekly 2)
