The Arab nation must move beyond conspiracy theories and see how it is itself responsible in part for its woes, writes Mustafa El-Feki* "We blame time, but the fault is ours. Ask History how our hopes were lost." I cannot help but recall this saying whenever I contemplate the situation in the Arab world. I am not an advocate of self-flagellation, which is to indulge depression and divert energies from action. Nevertheless, I still believe that we are responsible for a great part of our current plight. It is time we stop grasping at conspiracy theories in our interpretation of history. Conspiracies have always existed, and the only defence against them is awareness and vigilance. We live in an area whose spiritual legacy, geographical location and natural resources have made it an historical target of avaricious ambitions, venal designs, religious propagation and deliberate distortions. But the many crimes others have committed against us over time, their acts of aggression and their intervention in our affairs -- regardless of their magnitude -- are not sufficient to have brought us to the nadir in which we exist. We are still incapable of living with the spirit of the present and adjusting to the course of evolution. We still see things either as totally black or totally white and are therefore unable to perceive the subtle gradients shading in between, in which resides sufficient scope for manoeuvrability and influence. I will provide a few examples. The sources that revealed the atrocious crimes US forces committed against Iraqi prisoners in Abu Ghraib were American or at least Western. Rather than cover up the crime, the Western media and various government agencies exposed it for the whole world to see in its true horror. This fact, alone, merits careful consideration. Among other things, it indicates that the human conscience has certain limits and that every conspiracy has a weak link that can be breached. In the course of the universal outcry against American brutality in Abu Ghraib, we were stunned by a videotape showing masked men savagely severing the throat of an American civilian with a knife. It is not difficult to imagine how such a scene detracted from international condemnation of the crimes perpetrated in Abu Ghraib. Must we destroy our strong points with our own hands and voluntarily sacrifice any gains that have worked in our favour and then cry over spilt milk? The recent Arab summit was a model of decorum and sober deliberation. We would have expected some regional and international action on the basis of results. Virtually nothing of the sort has happened, as though the convening of Arab summits is an aim in itself, after which the convivial gathering adjourns and all participants return home patting themselves on the back for a job well done. Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat is another example of the inability to delegate responsibility intelligently and play the cards skillfully. The Palestinian leader could be a historical figure of the stature of Nelson Mandela if he wanted. However, his inflexibility, in security negotiations in particular, has often compelled Palestinians to choose the leader before the nation and to cling to a means regardless of ends. Arafat is the legitimately elected president of his people; we cannot make light of this fact. However, judicious leadership often requires considerable finesse and ingenuity, which are qualities that are noticeably absent in the Palestinian field in the face of the onslaught of Israeli crimes, from the isolation of Arafat and the assassination of Palestinian leaders to the murder of children and the demolition of people's homes. In their collective handling of reform, the Arabs were overly obsessed with outside stipulations, whereas it would have been more useful to appropriate the banner for ourselves and march forward with it. Reform has always been a national requirement and a popular demand. If it had been harnessed rather than rejected or stalled, Arab governments could easily have ensured that reform remain subject to the national will. In this manner, we could have pre-empted external propaganda and forestalled any attempts to use reform as a sword over our heads. The Syria Accountability Act seems to have passed by the Arab world without receiving its due share of concern and attention. This flagrant example of the reckless escapades of American foreign policy and its scandalous abuse in the Middle East failed to stir sufficient Arab condemnation in support of that Arab country that has a history of being victimised and that is currently topping the Israeli hit list. At least Egyptian foreign diplomacy should be thanked for maintaining its strong and strategic link with Damascus. There is also scope for Arab manoeuvrability with regard to Iraq. This, however, requires a fresh drive with respect to its new presidency and government, which were formed to keep the Arab influence out of Iraq. An Arab Iraqi drive should aim, above all, to preserve Iraq's Arab identity and its unity and integrity, while simultaneously taking into account the complex regional circumstances and Iraq's sensitive demographic composition and other such factors that combine to determine that country's fate. I do not believe that the US or any other power will be able to stand in the way of the Arabs' natural desire to embrace Iraq and help steer it through the uncharted territory through which it is passing. With regard to Palestine, the roadmap has virtually run aground on the shoals of the Sharon government's unilateral actions. Nevertheless, here too the Arabs can have a greater impact on developments. This, however, requires a higher degree of Arab vigilance and a quicker response to changes, especially with regard to the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. If Tel Aviv's plan is to restructure the Palestinian track so as to better be able to divide and drive the Palestinians into disparate corners, this plan must be resisted through all possible means. If, on the other hand, the Gaza disengagement takes place in accordance with an agreement with the Palestinians and leads to the Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank, with Egyptian and Jordanian approval of the necessary security arrangements, then that is another matter. "Arab Islam", if we may be permitted this term, appears to the Western mind incapable of drawing a clear line between Islamic law and terrorism. It is vital that we address this matter head on. Islam is a universal religion that does not discriminate between Arabs and non-Arabs. However, I would suggest that what we might term "Asian Islam" has been highly instrumental in offering the enemies of Islam the opening to attack Islam as a whole. Arab countries have suffered a heavy toll for terrorist operations perpetrated in the name of Islam and the price we have had to pay has been two-fold: the tarnishing of the image of Islam and the losses incurred in the lives of Muslims and other innocent peoples. Finally, inter-Arab sensitivities, in conjunction with the feverish race to win the approval of the master of the world, even if that entails winning the heart of Israel, is an issue that demands immediate attention. A uniform and comprehensive Arab vision is indispensable if Arabs are to have the ultimate say in their common future. We can no longer afford to ignore the need for a minimum level of inter-Arab coordination and cooperation. As I said at the outset, Arabs and their region are in the international crosshairs. We are the object of foreign conspiracies and intervention. That this is the case, however, does not give us the excuse to cast the entire blame on others and to overlook our own weaknesses. These are the breaches in our defenses that can be so easily seized upon by those powers that are lusting after our wealth and assassinating the dreams of our people. The ten points I cited above are not written in stone. But they underscore a number of our weaknesses and, hence, point to ways in which we can work to gain an upper hand. Above all, we must learn to assume part of the burden of responsibility for our disunity and disarray. Now is the time for a close examination of all the entries into the ledgers of our present state. Only by engaging in a process of honest introspection and reform will we be able to strengthen our potential, realise a high level of inter-Arab coordination and make the Arab presence felt in the regional framework. Certainly, such a process will pave the way towards healthier relations with the nations bordering the Arab world, specifically Iran, Turkey and the countries of East Africa. Perhaps recent developments in Sudan represent an initiative that we hope bears fruit so that peace can prevail throughout the rest of that large Arab-African nation. Nothing could drive more palpably home that the "curse of time" is an illusion and that in the final analysis history will judge us on the basis of our own deeds and not only the deeds of others. * The writer is chairman of the foreign affairs committee at the People's Assembly.
