There is a general consensus that the Arab world is suffering from a destabilising and dangerous democratic deficit. The quest for democracy in Arab countries dates to decades in which Arab states and societies have grappled with various scenarios on the way from autocratic regimes to more open political systems based on democratic principles. Given differences in economic development, the extent of the prevalence of liberal social norms, the role of women in societies, levels of education and forms of government between republican and monarchical regimes, it is not easy to speak about the Arab world as one homogeneous entity when it comes to the transition to democracy. However, one thing is sure. No on disagrees on the need to set up democratic regimes in the Arab world save those forces that have instrumentalised Islam for political ends, rendering it the sole source of political legitimacy. Without underestimating the role that these forces of political Islam have played in various Arab countries to slow, if not to make next to impossible, the gradual democratisation of Arab societies, still there have been other forces that have genuinely worked and struggled to develop political consensus on the need for democratic governance in the Arab world. Egypt is a case in point. From 1976 till the present moment, Egyptian society has been torn between two competing visions. One claims that Egyptians are not yet ready for democracy and another categorically rejects this negation of the democratic aspirations of the majority of Egyptians. The latter are encouraged by the fact that the country enjoyed almost three decades of “liberal democracy” from 1923 till the overthrow of the former Egyptian monarchy in July 1952. Of course, there are those who question the accuracy of describing this era as truly democratic. Out of 11 elected national assemblies, the two former monarchs, king Fouad and his son Farouk had decreed the dissolution of 10 of them. Others believe that assuming that Egypt had witnessed a “liberal age”, in letter and in spirit, the fact of the matter is that those who had enjoyed the benefits of this era had been the wealthy class that provided most of the leaders and cadres of the political parties that rotated in exercising power according to the will of the ruling monarch. Nowadays, in debates about the future of democracy in Egypt, many writers go back to this “liberal era” to ascertain that a swift transition to democracy is possible. Others are doubtful given the difficult and challenging socioeconomic situation in addition to the state of emergency in place. Such a transition to democratic governance is not easy but it is not impossible. In barely three years, Spain, under the wise and able leadership of Spain's former king Juan Carlos, succeeded in crossing a very delicate phase in its evolution from an autocratic regime, that had lasted from 1936 till 1975, the year General Franco, the Caudillo, passed away, to a true democratic system. In this short period of time, the Spanish political parties and forces, through respect for legality and guided by a positive spirit of compromise, succeeded in adopting a democratic constitution through a popular referendum on 6 December 1978. Year in, year out, Spain has celebrated what is known as “Constitution Day”. It is a national holiday where the Spanish political establishment flock to the National Assembly to commemorate this historic occasion. As the Egyptian ambassador to Spain from 1998 to 2002, I was officially invited to attend this celebration. I have to admit that it was a great pleasure for me to attend this annual celebration and be among the representatives and members of governments, headed by the prime minister (for the four years, he had been Senor Jose Maria Aznar of the Partido Popular) and the whole Spanish political class. What a scene it had been to watch the party in power, opposition parties and the members of the House and the Senate of Spain gathered to celebrate the democratic constitution that catapulted Spain to democracy. From 1975 to 1978, the Spaniards, under the benevolent guidance of king Juan Carlos, showed a solid and an enduring commitment to democratic governance. Those who navigated the country to democracy were mostly politicians from the Franco years who had understood that times had changed and that Spain should have a democratic form of government. King Juan Carlos had picked up a young prime minister, Adolfo Suarez, to steer the country in these three sensitive years where challenges and impediments were not few. There were political forces that were still attached to the Franco years. There were fears on the other hand that the military could pose a threat to the democratic path chosen by almost the entirety of Spain s political class, including the Communist Party that was legally banned under the former regime of General Franco. Ever since, I have believed that the model of Spain's transition to democracy is an example to be studied and debated in leading Arab capitals, including Cairo, to follow suit when there will be a large political consensus on the necessity of establishing genuine Arab democracies. The main lesson from Spain is that the establishment of true democracies does not necessarily mean getting rid of the politicians who have worked under the outgoing regimes. All it needs is a true commitment and an unwavering belief in democracy, which remains the only viable pathway to progress in the Arab world. Egypt is no exception. The Spanish transition to democracy shows us the way. 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The writer is former assistant foreign minister.
