A few days ago, the pro-Muslim Brotherhood prosecutor general pressed charges against a number of iconic youth revolutionary figures. The allegations were related to the recent clashes that took place near the Brotherhood's headquarters in Cairo.
For many, it became clear that the country's new (...)
Since February 2011, Egyptian authorities have designed their fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies for the sole purpose of preventing the gradual rise of prices for the broad base of Egyptians, in particular, the urban poor and the lower-middle classes.
Their bet was on the quick (...)
It has already become clear that Egypt's revolution has deep socioeconomic roots that cannot be quelled through the establishment of a formal or procedural democracy.
Even though the country has an elected president, a Constitution and a Parliament (and will soon have an additional one), the state (...)
“The transitional period is officially over,” President Mohamed Morsy said following the ratification of the country's first post-revolutionary Constitution. Indeed, the country seems to have ticked all of the boxes of political transition.
On the one hand, an elite pact was struck between the (...)
The long-expected devaluation of the Egyptian pound is finally taking place. The pound has undergone its greatest devaluation against the US dollar since the 25 January revolution, falling from LE5.90 to about LE6.60 in a little over a month.
In this context, the pound has hit a historical low (...)
Most observers have been paying close attention to the exciting dynamics of Egypt's ongoing political crisis, which unfolded following the president's constitutional declaration last month.
The Muslim Brotherhood seemed anxious to finish the transitional period at any cost. The short-lived (...)
The Cabinet's plans for economic recovery seem to revolve solely around one theme: the attraction of foreign capital inflows. The official discourse diagnoses the country's economic ordeal in terms of low growth rates, dwindling foreign reserves and low rates of investment, be it domestic or (...)
Egypt currently suffers from a number of interrelated economic problems: an ever-widening budget deficit, swarming public debt and alarmingly dwindling foreign reserves. All three threaten the economy with deeper recession and higher unemployment. Even though these problems came to the fore (...)
The 25 January revolution can be considered the final showdown of the Nasserist socio-political order, which has been slowly decaying since the 1967 defeat. Nasserism was based on a paternalistic authoritarian state where political rights were sacrificed for social and economic ones.
The collapse (...)
The government claims that the IMF has no conditionality clauses linked to its prospective $4.8 billion loan. But what it fails to say is that its entire programme, which it authors, is subject to IMF approval
The government is said to be negotiating the biggest IMF loan ever in Egypt's history, (...)
Days after the breakout of the 25 January revolt and before the ouster of Hosni Mubarak, his chief spy, Omar Suleiman, proposed a long and detailed legalistic plan to solve Egypt's political impasse. Suleiman was planning to buy time until Mubarak's official term expired in six months. The proposal (...)
A few days ago, I was invited to a meeting for the World Bank's office in Cairo to discuss a document outlining its transitional strategy for development in Egypt. This document supposedly reflects the World Bank's priorities in financing the different developmental projects in Egypt. It is usually (...)
On 31 October, a group of researchers, activists and civil society organizations will launch the Egyptian Debt Audit and Cancellation Campaign in coordination with international actions in Europe and Latin America. The main goal of the campaign is to audit and cancel Egypt's foreign debt that was (...)
On 5 July 2010, Nasr Hamed Abu-Zaid passed away. The renowned thinker and reformer had left behind a complex body of work critiquing Islamic heritage and discourse. His writings are even more relevant today, as Arab societies embark on political reform without having undergone religious reform. (...)
The recent decision to reject the loan deal offered by the International Monetary Fund has been received with much relief by the Egyptian public. Many economists and politicians voiced concerns about the impact of conditionality on Egypt's independence at a critical moment of democratization. Other (...)
Is the Egyptian economy on the brink of collapse? In recent weeks, a great many media reports and official statements have responded to this question affirmatively. For instance, a well-known presenter on a private channel several weeks ago held that the Egyptian economy will go bankrupt in three (...)
Is Egypt heading towards some form of liberal democracy? More importantly, does democracy always imply liberalism, with free and fair elections, the right to political expression and association and the rotation of power?
According to German philosopher Carl Schmidt, democracy can never be liberal. (...)
Freedom has been on the top of the demands raised by the 25 January revolutionaries in Egypt. Following Hosni Mubarak's ouster, many are hopeful that a democratic system will emerge that respects human rights and civil and political liberties. However, some of those same people have little (...)
More than two centuries ago, Thomas Paine held the French revolution to have put an end to a medieval form of governing. According to Paine, medieval governments were based on conquest rather than representation of the people's will. European monarchs of the 18th century were the descendants of (...)