In a conference rejected by the Muslim Brotherhood's hawkish and veteran vanguard, hundreds of the organization's youths on Saturday urged internal democratization in the group and voiced concerns over a would-be Brotherhood political party. After two minutes of live Koranic recitation by one of the participants, young Islamist men, mostly garbed in modern suits, publicly broached a set of sensitive issues long postponed for the sake of safeguarding the group's cohesion. As prospects of political liberalization are on the rise, the youths seized the opportunity to voice their grievances as well as views on the future of the nation's oldest Islamist entity. In his nearly 30-minute-long presentation, Sameh al-Barqy, a 36-year-old member launched into a review of the challenges facing Egypt's best-organized political force. Al-Barqy emphasized the balance of power between different structures within the group while stressing the dire need to empower the group's elected legislative body -- known as the Shura Council -- and enhance the decision-making process. "The last time the Shura Council convened was in the mid-1990s. Back then, members of the council were arrested and tried in military court," he said. Now, the council can convene without any fear of harassment, hence "decisions can be made after long deliberations and discussions. No one is running after us; we do not need to make hasty decisions," he added. According to experts on the group, the authoritarian nature of Egypt's former ruling regime has left a strong impression on the Muslim Brotherhood's domestic affairs. The fear of repression has contributed to weakening the group's different institutions -- namely the Shura Council --and concentrating power in the hands of the few members of the Guidance Bureau. "The guidance bureau is an executive body and the role of any executive body is to run things and it is the Shura Council that should be making decisions," said al-Barqy. The speaker also contended a more significant role should be given to women who, for decades, have been considered second-class members. "The status of women in the group is no longer acceptable. Maybe it was in the past because of police intimidation," said al-Barqy earning applause from dozens of young veiled sisters, dressed in tunics and long skirts. Some of these young professional females hold the old statute that prevented women from occupying seats in the group's influential power structures should be revisited in light of the emergent national political landscape. "The current statute was more of an emergency law," 30-year old Mohamed Effan told Al-Masry Al-Youm during the conference's first break, which most participants seized to perform congregational noon prayers. "It was drafted under certain circumstances that do not exist anymore." New by-laws should be passed to ensure wider representation of women and youths, added Effan, who is an assistant professor at Ain Shams University's Medical School. "Women and members who are below 35 years old should have a precise quota of 15 percent and 25 percent respectively in the group's Shura Council," Effan said. As for those older than 65 years, they should not hold more than 15 percent of the seats, he continued. "The youths constitute the majority of the group's support base," said Effan. "They represent 40 to 50 percent of the members. The future is for the youths." Despite the organizers' apologetic tone toward their entrenched leaders, the conference represents an act of defiance. Last week, influential member of the Guidance Bureau Mohamed Morsi told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the organization disapproved of the conference. "The Muslim Brotherhood has no conference on Saturday," Morsi said in an affirmative tone. The group's youths denied the rift Morsi's statement was tantamount to, arguing the conference was no attempt to “break ranks” with the organization's old leadership. According to a source -- who asked to remain anonymous -- close to Muslim Brotherhood youths, Morsi made this statement after he learned the conference organizers had invited former Guidance Bureau members Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh and Mohamed Habib. The two men are considered pioneers of the Muslim Brotherhood's dovish camp. In 2010 internal elections, they were excluded from the organization's supreme body in a poll reportedly marred by fraud. In recent appearances, Abouel Fotouh antagonized the group's hardliners by expressing his vehement opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party. He argued the group should not get involved in partisan politics and that politicized members should be let to form their own parties independently from the group. Last month, the group announced that it would form a party as soon as restrictions on political formation are lifted. This announcement resulted in a heated debate within the ranks of the organization, with some warning of potential splits. This particular debate took up a significant share of Saturday's well-timed and well-organized conference. In engaging power point presentations, speakers highlighted two views that are widely held by the group's young members. The first vision suggests the Muslim Brotherhood should refrain from forming a political party all together. "The Muslim Brotherhood is above partisan competition for many reasons including the fact that it carries a lofty cross-continental message,” said Mohamed Shams, a 23-year-old electric engineer, in reference to the group's efforts to spread what it believes is correct Islam. "The group should focus instead on formulating a national project that paves the way for a new social contract between the ruler and the people and on spreading positive values and educating society," added Shams. As soon as Shams left the podium, another group member Mohamed Othman, a 30-year old pharmacist, walked up to the stage to present a divergent outlook. Othman contended the group should be able to form a civil party with an Islamic frame of reference. “Yet, this party should be fully independent in making decisions," said Othman, adding that the political entity should be able to attract members from outside the mother organization. In a confidant tone, Othman previewed a quota-based party blueprint that, he argued, would ensure the representation of women, Christians and non-Muslim Brotherhood politicians alike. At least 30 percent of the party's founding board, Othman said, should not have a Muslim Brotherhood background. In the meantime, Coptic, young and female founders should hold a quota of at least 10, 30 and 25 percent respectively, the blueprint suggested. Earlier, al-Barqy tackled one of the most contentious clauses included in the first draft of the Muslim Brotherhood's party platform. “We need a more contemporary juristic ijtihad to look in these matters,” said al-Barqy referring to the group's insistence to deny a non-Muslim the right to run for presidency, citing religious reasons. None of these youth-proposed party schemes might appeal to the group's old guards, who seemed inclined to keep the party and the organization's other proslytizing fully intertwined. This inclination became clear after the Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie said no Muslim Brotherhood member would be allowed to join a party other than the group's official party. Many observers read the statement as an evidence that the Freedom and Justice Party will have no autonomy but will serve as the group's political wing. Despite generational difference and paradigm disparities, the Muslim Brotherhood youths are hopeful that the group's old leaders will take their views into consideration. It is still to be seen whether such hopes will be fulfilled or dashed.
