He wear suit and tie and go to him, and asked: "Do you prefer the Unjust Muslim leader or the Fair Muslim leader?" He replied: This issue is out of my competence" Baron said: "We passed through your mosque and saw it is a great project, so we decided to donate to you with 500 pounds, "The project is great" If you want to spoil a saint, you have two things of money and power," said Baron Pino after Hassan Banna left. "Our gains will be far better than their gains. One day, in 1919, Alfred Mallner, the director of the British colonies, wearing his elegant English uniform, sailed from his ship to the land of Egypt to carry out his mission, "divide and conquer", and usually asked: " How did the Egyptians succeed in revolutionizing us and how we could not differentiate them while we succeeded in breaking apart others? Melner spent four full years during which he became acquainted with Egypt's geographical and political map. Al-Banna soon emerged with his group declaring that he was not exposed to politics, However, Malnar is sure that this young Banna will quickly assimilate in power and rule. This time he claims to carry pure Islam and his group only. Sedition is located. In his book, al-Banna admits he received £ 500 from a British intelligence officer after he went to sit with him in the m6 squad for that intelligence. In his memoirs, Hayward Dan, who is closely related to Benna, wrote that his mentor friend asked some of the relevant Egyptians to transfer his willingness to cooperate, and that Ahmed al-Sukri, the actual founder of the organization, asked for money and a car in return for such cooperation. Another novel, written by Ibrahim Hassan, a Muslim Brotherhood agent, was written in the magazine Al-Jamahir. He said that Al-Banna and Al-Sukari were in contact with Clayton, the British embassy secretary, to study their common interests with the British. Hassan al-Banna's group was deployed in the British army's control zone in Ismailia. Reports flew to London, saying that the man and his group were raising the banner of Islam but not demanding the presence of the occupying forces. Al-Banna established his clandestine organization in the army and the police, and Haiden the king in public and fought the Vedis and all the Egyptian national forces, but he was killed before it paid off. The army turned against King Farouk and overthrew him from the throne of Egypt. When Nasser felt that the group wanted to control the country alone, Has decided to put its leaders in prison before achieving its purposes. At this point, Mark Curtis reveals in his book The Secret History of Britain's Plot with the Fundamentalists that secret transactions between the British and the Muslim Brotherhood took a different tack. Britain regarded the group as a useful opposition to President Gamal Abdel Nasser's Arab nationalist policies and that it was better and less harmful than the nationalist currents And British officials held meetings with Muslim Brotherhood leaders to act as a tool against the ruling Nasserite regime during negotiations to evacuate British troops from Egypt and to create a wave of unrest that would pave the way for regime change in the Nile. With the outbreak of the tripartite aggression against Egypt in 1956, "credible sources" pointed out that Britain had secret contacts with the Muslim Brotherhood and other religious figures as part of its plans to overthrow or assassinate Nasser, and that British officials believed - and probably planned - that There is a possibility or possibility that the Muslim Brotherhood will form a new Egyptian government after the overthrow of Nasser by the British. A year later, in particular in the spring of 1957, Trevor Evans, who was in charge of the British embassy and led earlier contacts with the Muslim Brotherhood in a formal letter to his government, wrote: "The disappearance of Nasser's regime should be our main objective." The British secret plans to overthrow the national regimes in Syria between 1956 and 1957 were also based on great cooperation with the Muslim Brotherhood there. For similar reasons, the British government has consistently sided with the Muslim Brotherhood throughout the Middle East. The book also confirms that the departure of Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970 did not put an end to the British view of the Brotherhood as a weapon can be used in times of crisis, according to the author, London closely watched the close convergence that took place between President Sadat and the Brotherhood, and did not want to cut ties with them.
