The obsession with the NDP's presidential candidate serves to obscure vastly more important issues, writes Abdel-Moneim Said Elsewhere political parties hold conventions that are occasions for deliberation and the assessment of policy. Here in Egypt things are done differently. When the NDP holds its annual convention any analysis of policy, certainly from the media and opposition, must take a backseat as far more pressing issues are discussed -- the most common being who will be the party's presidential candidate two years from hence. When, finally, that subject seems in danger of eliciting yawns, pundits begin to draw long lists of alternative candidates, names around which they claim a "national consensus" could be built. Should that, too, begin to bore, they lump all their recommendations together, call it a council of guardians, and argue that the council should be mandated to take charge of the country while the constitution is being rewritten and the state rebuilt. What is especially curious is that everyone involved in such discussions acts as if it were perfectly normal for them to tell the NDP what it should and should not do. It never seems to occur to them to adopt the same attitude to other political parties. Now, while it is perfectly understandable that one would wish to interrogate the NDP over matters of policy -- it is, after all, the ruling party and as such responsible for government's current policies and their consequences -- far less easy to understand is the penchant for attacking the NDP once broaching policy but instead homing in on its possible presidential nominees. All of this while never once so much as wondering who other the parties might field though one would think other parties are far more pressed for time when it comes to announcing their candidates. This attempt to dictate conditions to the NDP comes from individuals who represent little beyond themselves. They number in the few hundreds and gather at every rally. They appear under a new name every half year or so, faces that never change, writers of articles and compilers of slogans that never bring anything new. One trait they share is that they do not know the NDP and are unaware of the changes it has undergone in recent years, changes that have helped it shed its image as one of the mass parties that Egypt used to know and which have allowed it to connect with its grassroots bases in a manner that has eluded Egypt's other political parties. The NDP now has three million members who regard it as a platform for their interests, an avenue for the fulfilment of their aspirations, and a party that seeks to rule in their name. In recent years it has attracted more than a million young people to its ranks, dramatically altering its demographic composition. By November 2008 65 per cent of its members were aged between 18 and 40, 30 per cent between 40 and 60, and only five per cent were aged over 60. A new generation of Egyptians now forms the overwhelming majority of the party's members. The NDP has continued its biannual elections at the local level, a mechanism that ensures the widest grassroots participation and promotes considerable internal mobility. This year 6,662 party units held elections in which a total of 188,955 candidates fielded themselves for the 20-member committees that supervise the local units. The elections brought another 350,000 new members into the party. As a result of the poll seven out of every 10 committee seats changed hands, while 38 per cent of committees gained new secretaries. The elections are a tangible reflection of the internal democratisation of the NDP, a party that has become ever more keen to promote the representation of women and young people. The party now represents a broad array of educational and occupational backgrounds: its members include 6,700 MA and PhD holders, many of whom are university professors, businessmen, doctors, engineers, journalists, lawyers, army officers and civil servants. Their academic output includes studies and policy papers on education, health, insurance, women's and children's issues, urban development and energy. The NDP occupies the "centre" of the political spectrum, covering a broad swath of Egyptian opinion, a diverse coalition that stretches from the moderate right to the moderate left. The party platform is guided by three basic moral outlooks: democratic socialism, Arab nationalism and religious values. In terms of political principles and objectives, the party seeks to entrench the concept of citizenship and equality before the law regardless of religious, regional or occupational affiliation; to promote economic development by means of the dynamics of a market economy and with the optimum use of national resources in a manner that ensures social justice; and to place Egypt's national interests foremost in the design of foreign policies and in the conduct of its relations abroad. None of the other political parties can boast such an extensive social base, the same diversity in professional and technological expertise, or even the same political and ideological clarity. In addition, the NDP tests its policies and ideas, whether through practical implementation or by means of widespread dialogue. In light of these processes the NDP has sometimes retracted policies when it found that public opinion was not yet ready to accept them, or modified policies on the basis of the views of experts who express themselves in public forums or beneath the dome of the legislature. In contrast to such sobriety the rest of Egypt's political scene seems to have become embroiled in a terminal frenzy over presidential elections a full two years before they are due to be held. They are determined to posit independent figures, who have ostensibly won widespread respect, as potential rivals to whoever they imagine will be the NDP candidate. It is a pitiful attempt to force the party to jettison its nomination rules and procedures and announce its candidate so that they can shoot him down even before the campaign season begins. To me the issue is as clear as daylight. The constitution and the law lay out the principles and procedures governing presidential elections. Every party that has a member in parliament, whether the People's Assembly or the Shura Council, has the right to nominate a candidate for the presidency on the condition that its nominee has been one of the party's key officials for at least a year. It follows, then, that parties seeking to field a presidential contender should first strive to obtain at least one parliamentary seat in the forthcoming People's Assembly and Shura Council elections. If the party leaders realise that they do not have what it takes to lead a successful campaign, and that their party would stand a better chance at the presidency with a more prominent or charismatic figure from outside the leadership ranks, whether from the lower echelons of the party hierarchy or even from outside the party, they had better recruit and promote that figure as soon as possible so that he will be able to have served at least a year by candidate registration time. Thirdly, new party leaders need to start establishing a record of political activity and positions for themselves so that they have some basis for demonstrating that they are equipped to lead the country. If, for example, Mohamed El-Baradei is interested in running for the presidency, he should come home now and choose the party that he would like to represent. I imagine this would be the Wafd Party which, for its part, needs fresh blood. The same applies to Ahmed Zuweil, who would have to make a shift from the world of scientific research. I do not know which party the Nobel laureate would join, though several would certainly welcome him to their ranks. Amr Moussa, whom some have posited as a potential presidential candidate, would have to take a career decision. He would have to step down as secretary-general of the Arab League and join, say, the Nasserist Party, which could very much use a form of "neo-Nasserism" of the type Moussa has advocated from time to time in press interviews. For those interested in embarking on the presidential campaign trail laws and regulations point the way. What Egypt does not need is political gang warfare, an extension of the political militias so common in the Arab region or the type of intrigues that Arab satellite stations are so good at weaving. What it does need is the consolidation of an institutionalised state based on respect for the constitution and the law. One can envision a splendid presidential battle if the NDP candidate has to face rivals who have proven themselves in the international domain and now have to prove themselves in on the domestic scene, arriving armed with the knowledge that politics is a rivalry over courses of action to best promote public welfare. Indeed, one of the NDP's greatest problems could be that it has yet to come across a serious rival in the field of public policy. Instead of confronting a challenge that would force it to reassess its policies it has encountered blanket criticism from the outset, daydreams and slogans instead of viable alternatives, and shouting matches and mudslinging based on rumour and surmise rather than serious dialogue. The NDP has translated its political, ideological outlook into a set of policies. In the domain of national security it seeks to maintain a stable political environment both at home and abroad so as to safeguard Egypt's independence and national unity. Economically, it hopes to realise the highest possible rates of economic growth and development across the length and breadth of Egypt. Towards this end, it will lift the barriers before individual initiative while preserving powerful instruments capable of intervening effectively in the event that market mechanisms backfire or throw the balance of social justice off kilter. One of the NDP's highest priorities is to combat poverty. Here it applies the multi- pronged approach of ensuring access to education for the poor, promoting rural development and providing subsidies to the most needy. Another of the party's priorities is to fight corruption by strengthening the agencies charged with this task -- the Public Prosecutors Office and the Central Audit Bureau and, of course, a free and robust press. The party intends to help move the country toward greater openness and competitiveness in the political system so as to render plurality a real force in the decision-making processes. Finally, it will continue to act as a broad national front, expressing the hopes and aspirations of all sectors of society and facilitating their interaction through dialogue and political competition in order to arrive at policies that obtain the widest possible public approval even if this means those involved in the process feel less than 100 per cent satisfied. Half a dozen policies are what should be the subject of discussion and competition on the part of political parties, whether under their current leaderships or newly recruited leaders. If they truly believe in serious dialogue they will advocate alternative policies or propose modifications, in substance or timing, to existing ones. Perhaps, too, this would be the appropriate time to voice ideas regarding the steps that need to be taken to ensure the integrity of the forthcoming parliamentary and presidential elections and the greatest possible efficacy of the higher electoral committees. We must also look beyond the next presidential elections to such crucial issues as the constitution. All of Egypt's parties need to rethink themselves, just as the NDP is doing. What does the Wafd Party mean at the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century? Or the Nasserist party, four decades after the death of the leader who inspired it? What resonance remains for the left following the collapse of so many forms of socialism and in light of the current revolution in the modes of production that lie at the root of Marxist thought? The foregoing are only examples of the types of questions that our political forces have yet to ask themselves, let alone the public. Evidently they have yet to master sufficient strength and integrity to grapple with the core issues, from the relationship between religion and the state and between and between the majority and the minority to the status of women in society and our interaction with the contemporary world. The NDP is the exception. It has asked itself these questions and come up with some answers. These answers may be right or wrong but they are the fruit of the efforts of many experts, persons of opinion and other loyal citizens who are ready to listen and respond to original and constructive ideas from their fellow citizens. Let us watch the events of the NDP conference and hope its rivals do their best to compete.
