As the distance between life and death constantly narrows, fear no longer finds its way to the hearts of the Palestinians. Still, writes Mustafa El-Feki*, courage needs to be guided by reason I recently took part in a television debate with two groups of Palestinian brothers, some speaking from the site of the Sabra and Shatila massacre in Lebanon and others speaking from Ramallah. The debate focussed on the Arab situation in general, and the bloody events in Palestinian lands in particular. Somehow, the debate became heated and we found ourselves on parallel but separate paths, defined by the twin forces of reason and sentiment. The Palestinian situation is utterly agonising. I don't think that any nation has ever had to live through what the Palestinians endure. The demolition of houses, the assassination of leaders, and the killing of children have all become daily occurrences. None of us suffers as much as the Palestinians. For them, death lurks at every corner. Life is but a suspended sentence. They, the Palestinians, no longer have anything to hope for, nothing to hold on to. This is why martyrdom has become a fantasy-cum-reality for many of their youth. People like me keep track of ongoing events and try to make some sense of them. And I don't think we are entitled to patronise or blame the Palestinians. I -- and millions more -- choke when we see the coffins multiplying, the tears streaming, the agony so complete. Yet this television debate forced me to look even more closely at the current scene, and I sensed a widening gap between sentiments and ideas; between those who are witnesses and those who are victim to horror. This gap sets the Palestinians apart from the rest of the Arabs. I will elaborate in the paragraphs that follow. Driven by sheer courage, the Palestinians continue to fight the most ruthless and unscrupulous of occupiers. Fear no longer finds its way to the hearts of the Palestinians, particularly that the distance between life and death is constantly narrowing. The Palestinians are no longer willing to haggle or barter, or even pursue policies of settlement. This seems to be the position of most -- if by no means all -- Palestinians. It has become pointless to talk to the Palestinians of international and regional changes. The Palestinian national discourse has parted company with our political discourse. This is why the Palestinians are tempted to see the Arab intellectual elite -- who speak of different circumstances and a new world -- as defeatists, if not outright agents. The Palestinians speaking in the televised debate were reproachful. "Your heart is with us, but your mind is not," one of them said. At least he gave me that much. My heart is and will always be with the Palestinians, for no one can bear the news of innocent lives lost, the bloodshed continuing, peace vanishing, security evaporating, and regional justice jettisoned. I -- among many -- feel the magnitude of Palestinian suffering; the despair that turned suicide into a routine occurrence. I oppose martyrdom operations, for they are politically harmful to the Palestinian cause and the image of Palestinians abroad. But I am willing to admit that these operations are a sign of how utterly despondent the Palestinians have become, and how -- in their despair -- the line between life and death has been blurred. It is also true that Israel has never in its history received such painful blows as it did in the past two years. The ratio of casualties between Palestinians and Israelis is now three to one, a very high ratio for a country that is using such an awesome military machine against an occupied and disarmed nation. The Vietnamese used to boast when the ratio of their losses to the American was 47 to one. So, I am not at all belittling the Palestinian struggle, which none of us are entitled to lecture the Palestinians about. Two individuals may feel distraught about a certain event, and while one of them would let go for his feelings, the other-- suffering just as much -- may be able to channel his grief and anger into something different, something productive; such as a formula for resistance involving a vision for settlement, without squandering the unshakable principles of the nation. Reason should reinforce, rather than negate, emotion. Reason and emotion together make the conscience of nations. Throughout their history, national liberation movements have revised their methods at one point or another, and the Palestinians are no exception. It is only natural that the Palestinian national liberation movement should reconsider its ways and have the courage to take the right decisions at the right time, notwithstanding the pain and the suffering. Great nations are made by great pains. Besides, armed resistance is not meant to go on forever, but to unsettle the enemy and boost the movement's own negotiating position. However long, liberation wars and popular resistance have to lead to negotiations. Despite my pain as the mothers, wives and sisters of the martyrs of Sabra and Shatila gave their account of the atrocity that took place 20 years ago, I believe that giving in to anger without considering the precedents or assessing recent developments could undermine the course of national struggle. One has to admit that the level of international support to the Palestinian issue has ebbed, despite Israel's defiling of sanctities, building of settlements, assassination of leaders, demolishing of homes, and killing of children. The simple reason is that the national Palestinian apparatus could not strike the right note with public opinion and decision- makers across the world. The above are a few thoughts inspired by my televised debate with the Palestinian brothers. Their voice, coming from the thick battle, is one of a nation that has been worn down by fighting and harassed by a war machine that knows no moral constraints whatsoever. Israel is bent on smothering the Palestinians and crushing their aspirations. My debate with the Palestinian brothers drew my attention to three additional matters: (a) the Palestinians are angry at Arab countries, for the latter have allowed the regional situation to deteriorate to a point where Israel can do what it wants. The Palestinians are disappointed because Arab material and moral support has fallen short of the expectations of this valiant people and the families of their martyrs; (b) many of the Palestinians have inadequate knowledge of the regional and international situation, which divorces their acts of dedicated struggle from any true understanding of the new concepts that govern today's world; and (c) the Palestinians blame the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel for the deterioration in regional affairs, the invasion of Lebanon, Sabra and Shatila, and current events. I do not wish to open old wounds or relive the past, but I simply do not believe that Camp David alone can explain everything that happened over the past two decades. * The writer is chairman of parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee.
